The Routledge Handbook of English Language Education in Bangladesh

Shaila Sultana,M. Moninoor Roshid,Md. Zulfeqar Haider,Mian Md. Naushaad Kabir,Mahmud Hasan Khan

• Éditeur: Routledge
• Année: 2020
• ISBN:
  9781000208849
• Édition: 1
• Sujet: Arte
• Sous-sujet: Arte asiatica

This Handbook is a comprehensive overview of English language education in Bangladesh. Presenting descriptive, theoretical, and empirical chapters as well as case studies, this Handbook, on the one hand, provides a comprehensive view of the English language teaching and learning scenario in Bangladesh, and on the other hand comes up with suggestions for possible decolonisation and de-eliticisation of English in Bangladesh.

The Handbook explores a wide range of diverse endogenous and exogenous topics, all related to English language teaching and learning in Bangladesh, and acquaints readers with different perspectives, operating from the macro to the micro levels. The theoretical frameworks used are drawn from applied linguistics, education, sociology, political science, critical geography, cultural studies, psychology, and economics. The chapters examine how much generalisability the theories have for the context of Bangladesh and how the empirical data can be interpreted through different theoretical lenses.

There are six sections in the Handbook covering different dynamics of English language education practices in Bangladesh, from history, policy and practice to assessment, pedagogy and identity. It is an invaluable reference source for students, researchers, and policy makers interested in English language, ELT, TESOL, and applied linguistics.

1

Introduction

English language and English language education in the multilingual ecology of Bangladesh: Past, present, and future

Shaila Sultana and M. Moninoor Roshid

Introduction

The People's Republic of Bangladesh is one of the most densely populated countries in the world with an estimated population of 164.6 million (till 1 July 2018) living in 147,570 sq. km. It means that around 1116 people live in per sq. km (BBS, 2019). It is one of the developing countries as well, with 21.8% of its population living below the poverty line (Asian Development Bank, 2018). The adult literacy rate in Bangladesh is 73.9% in 2018 (BBS, 2019, p. xxxvii). Despite the stark realities that exist in Bangladesh, that it is a densely populated third-world country beset by problems of flood, famine, and poverty, Bangladesh is gradually developing itself through its steady growth through sustainable development – initiated and supported by the government of Bangladesh.

According to the World Economic Forum, the world is facing various challenges, including poverty, inequality, unemployment, underemployment, and skills gaps, and it is important to reach the UN's declared Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Both the global and the government's main agenda is to achieve SDGs, ensuring poverty reduction, quality education, skills development, and promoting economic growth. In order to achieve SDGs by 2030, in the meantime, the government of Bangladesh has taken various visions (e.g. Vision 2021; 2041) and steps. One of the important steps of the government is considering English as a means of development to fulfil economic, societal, educational, and personal needs. However, English education in Bangladesh is encountering challenges for language policies, language curriculums and syllabuses pedagogies, materials, and assessment, which seem to be developed without considering the contextual realities of Bangladesh. This Handbook on English language education (ELE) has addressed those challenges and tensions and showed the future directions to policy makers, researchers, syllabus designers, material developers, and educators.

The introductory chapter to the Handbook provides a critical reflection on the historical development of ELE in Bangladesh. An overall view of ELE from the primary to the tertiary level of education in Bangladesh is given too. Then a brief summary of the chapters is outlined so that readers may navigate their ways through 25 chapters based on their areas of interests. The sections in this chapter address the main themes covered in the Handbook, namely history, language-in-education policy and planning in Bangladesh, English language curriculum reformation and pedagogical practices, assessment and testing in English language teaching (ELT), teaching English with the aid of literature, language learning and construction of identity, and teacher education and English for economic development.

ELE in Bangladesh

Historically, English has changed its status over the years to become a significant language of the social landscape. Its presence can be explained with reference to three broad phases of the political history of Bangladesh, starting with the introduction of ELE to the Indian subcontinent by the British colonial empire. Historically, politically, and socially, English and Bangla have always occupied different hierarchical positions in terms of usage, and these hierarchies have progressively created a web of linguistic ideologies. The interrelationship between language and class has also been sustained and nurtured by educational institutions and practices. In addition, these practices have for centuries simultaneously created scope for resistance, transgression, and yearning for freedom and independence, while at the same time reinforcing inequalities, hierarchies, and linguistic, social, and cultural marginalisation. An understanding of these historical, political, social, and ideological dynamics is significant for unravelling the ways in which ELE has been sustained and taken different directions in the Indian subcontinent and later on in Bangladesh.

ELE in the Indian subcontinent (1835–1947)

Bangladesh, along with West Bengal, the province situated in eastern India, was historically a part of the Indian subcontinent. For nearly 200 years, until 1947, it had a similar colonial history to India under the British coloniser. During the reign of the East India Company for around 100 years till the earlier half of the 18th century, Bangla was one of the many languages in use in the subcontinent; others were Arabic, Hindi, Persian, Portuguese, Sanskrit, and more (Clark, 1956). During the latter half of the 18th century, when the British Government took over the management of the Indian subcontinent from the East India Company by passing the ‘Government of India Act of 1858’, English began to replace Persian, the language of the Muslim ruler, in all domains, including administration, law, and the courts. It clearly became the prestige variety of language and a key to success for the professional middle class, who wanted to be a part of the bureaucracy (T. Rahman, 1997). Moreover, the support of a group of local Indians, led by Raja Ram Mohan Roy, who were in favour of English education for learning more about the scientific and philosophical enlightenment of the West (Paranjape, 2013), made it easier for the British imperialists to promote English in education and government. In the region, Clark (1956) suggested that many of the upper class and probably the majority of the new middle class wanted to learn English for utilitarian motives, such as access to a profitable career. Their incentive grew stronger when Lord Bentinck opened more senior civil service posts to Indians. Therefore, Mazumder [as cited in (A. Rahman, 2007, p. 70)] stated, “English education was introduced into this country, not by the British government but in spite of them”.

Interestingly, even though English education was restricted to the privileged few, it historically instigated social mobility and introduced a new kind of social hierarchy and power play that restructured class boundaries. There was a rise of bureaucratic and professional elites to positions which previously had been occupied by landed gentry. “The professional middle class, especially the bureaucracy, increased, and the state became the biggest employer. This meant that the language chosen by the state to run the bureaucracy was the key to power” (T. Rahman, 1997, p. 146). Expensive English-medium schools were established, which had a lasting impact on the socio-economic conditions within society. For example, the masses did not have access to chiefs' colleges which were established in the early 19th century on the model of the elitist British public school system. The masses received their education in the vernacular, such as Bangla, in government schools. The aristocrats sent their sons to chiefs' colleges where they could “learn the English language, and [become] sufficiently familiar with English customs” [Raleigh (1906) as cited in T. Rahman (1997, p. 147)].

Only the sons of the princes of India were allowed admission to chiefs' colleges, whereas the sons of the professional middle class went to European or convent schools, which excluded most Indians based on birth or poverty (Clark, 1956). The cost per student to attend Anglo-Indian and European institutions was Rs. 156, while all types of institutions from a university to a primary school were only Rs. 14 [Education in India, 1941 as cited in. T. Rahman (1997)]. The vernacular Bangla gradually became the only language of government primary education, the Indian press, and the lower branches of official administration (Clark, 1956). Eventually, these two types of education gave rise to class-based hierarchies in the society: the anglicised elite, who were educated in English-medium institutions and held the powerful positions in the bureaucracy, and a class of people educated in the vernacular language, who aspired to and obtained subordinate positions in the lower bureaucracy.

The hegemonic role of English, sustained and nurtured by the vested interests of a class of people, had not been accepted without struggle, contestation, and conflict. Out of this segregation, for example, rose the anti-English lobby – the masses educated in the vernacular, who were considered appropriate for subordinate positions in the bureaucracy, while the powerful positions were reserved for Englishmen and elite English-educated Indians. Both the British monarch and the English language were officially displaced in 1947. Uprooting English overnight was, however, an ambitious plan when a segment of the society had been nurtured by the ethos of the British imperialist, driven by the utilitarian motives and ambitions of the collaborators in colonialism and by the presence of a new type of citizen who “saw his future only in the study of the English language and in the slavish imitation of Western manners” and pretended “that English was his own language” (Clark, 1956, p. 474). English was meant to prevail for generations even in the post-imperialist era.

ELE during the Pakistani period (1947–1971)

Strong resistance against and repulsion for the British ruler led to none of the countries in the Indian subcontinent – India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, or Nepal – selecting the English language as its national language, although English remained a de facto official language in the domains of administration, legal profession, and higher education. This was inevitable because political leaders and high officials were educated in English (Banu & Sussex, 2001a; Musa, 1989, 1995). It was also significantly important for the communication of the two wings of Pakistan – the East and the West, which had no common language other than English for administrative purposes. Note that Pakistan with its two parts, East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) and West Pakistan, was linguistically and culturally different, but was separated from the Indian subcontinent in 1947 on the basis of the dominant religion of those regions, Islam. There were also 1200 miles of Indian territory between the two parts.

The independence from the British monarch eventually proved to be significant for Bangladesh. The social and cultural significance of Bangla and the birth of Bangladesh are closely tied to the political events that took place during the Pakistani era. The political leaders, particularly Muhammad Ali Jinnah in West Pakistan, ignoring the fact that Bangla was spoken by 56.4% of the entire Pakistani population, announced on 21 March 1948 that Urdu, which was spoken by the dominant group in West Pakistan who represented only 3.27% of the population, would be the only official language (Maron, 1955). The ‘one state one official language model’ was a new form of linguistic colonisation for the East Pakistanis, that is, Bangladeshis. The newly established Pakistan again started to splinter because of language. In fact, Bangla became the steering force for a political, historical, social, and cultural movement that united Bangladeshis to resist linguistic and political marginalisation by West Pakistan (Musa, 1996).

An attempt by the central government to enforce Urdu (the mother tongue of the West Pakistanis) as the official language and give preference to West Pakistan and West Pakistanis in the allocation of national revenues, development projects, and government posts violated the rights of East Pakistanis. The state-language controversies made the East Pakistanis realise that the privileged position of the British and the upper class Hindus had been occupied by the West Pakistanis. The West Pakistanis were the “non-Bengali imperial guardian” (Maron, 1955, p. 133), enjoying an upper status nationally, socially, culturally, and linguistically. It was another long-term process to relegate East Pakistanis to inferior status: East Pakistanis or Bangladeshis would be handicapped in competitive examinations and consequently would not be able to hold important positions in the bureaucracy. It was also a way of subordinating the majority by the minority (Maron, 1955).

This issue of language controversy started a language movement, as a result of which several students and citizens were killed by the police on 21 February 1952. Because of this nation-wide movement and loss of life, West Pakistan had to give due recognition to Bangla. Bangla was declared as a provincial language in the first constitution of Pakistan on 23 March 1956. The events left a deep scar on the relationship between the two provinces. The nations were eventually divided in 1971. Bangla, a significant marker of Bangladeshi identity since 1952, was revalidated in the Liberation War of 1971 and eventually led Bangladesh to independence from Pakistan (Musa, 1989, 1995). Bangla, which had been politically and socially afforded lower status than English during the imperial era, and again in relation to English and Urdu during the Pakistani era, for the first time achieved status as a politically and historically significant language in the independent Bangladesh.

ELE in the independent Bangladesh (1971 to date)

The People's Republic of Bangladesh emerged as an independent country in 1971. As one of the causes of the breach between West and East Pakistan was the legitimisation of the Bangla language and Bangladeshi nationalism, Bangla inevitably became the national language, as well as the official language – a symbol of national identity and freedom from oppression, exploitation, and subjugation (Musa, 1996). Klaiman [1987 as cited in Banu (2005)] identified that Bengali identity is neither genetic nor religious. The name of the country, Bangladesh, is made of Bangla and desha. Bangla refers to the language, not the people or the territory of Bengal, and desha means ‘country’. With the new fervour of nationality, English was displa...