Translation in the Arab World

The Abbasid Golden Age

Adnan K. Abdulla

• Éditeur: Routledge
• Année: 2020
• ISBN:
  9781000329421
• Édition: 1
• Sujet: Languages & Linguistics
• Sous-sujet: Translating & Interpreting

The Translation Movement of the Abbasid Period, which lasted for almost three hundred years, was a unique event in world history. During this period, much of the intellectual tradition of the Greeks, Persians, and Indians was translated into Arabic—a language with no prior history of translation or of science, medicine, or philosophy. This book investigates the cultural and political conflicts that translation brought into the new Abbasid state from a sociological perspective, treating translation as a process and a product.

The opening chapters outline the factors involved in the initiation and cessation of translational activity in the Abbasid period before dealing in individual chapters with important events in the Translation Movement, such as the translation of Aristotle's Poetics into Arabic, Abdullah ibn al-Muqaffa's seminal translation of the Indian/Persian Kalilah wa Dimna into Arabic and the translation of scientific texts. Other chapters address the question of whether the Abbasids had a theory of translation and why, despite three hundred years of translation, not a single poem was translated into Arabic. The final chapter deals with the influence of translation during this period on the Arabic language.

Offering new readings of many issues that are associated with that period, informed by modern theories of translation, this is key reading for scholars and researchers in Translation Studies, Oriental and Arab Studies, Book History and Cultural History.

1
Beginnings and endings

It is common knowledge that the most important motivating factor for individuals, institutions, and nations engaging in translation is that it fulfills a need, which may be the attainment of a particular set of knowledge or skills (Delisle and Wood-sworth 2012). People in many different parts of the world have translated other nations’ intellectual and scientific output. Sometimes, cultural materials such as literature have been translated out of curiosity, or to know how others express their feelings and through which genres. The qasida, for instance, until the beginning of the twentieth century, had been the genre that best expressed the feelings of the Arabs for thousands of years. Likewise, the lyric was the most common form of poetry for both English and American writers, whereas Noh Theater was a favorite for the Japanese – rivalled only by their haiku poetry, which derives its power from the invocation of a natural object that illuminates a human condition (Yasuda 1957: 31–4; Abdulla and Record 2016 (48): 34–40). As for the Greeks, tragedy was the highest form of expression in which they excelled in conveying a vast array of human emotions and conditions.

Translation is one of the first means of communication among peoples. The history of translation is the history of civilization, and nations ascended the ladder of civilization through the exchange of ideas. Without translations, nations remain isolated and locked within their cultures and ideas, leading to intellectual poverty and stagnation. The commercial centers in pre-Islamic Arabia, especially the “caravan cities” such as Mecca and Palmyra, had strong links with the Romans, the Persians, the Syrians, and the Ethiopians. Although some form of translation must have existed between itinerant merchants and local residents in terms of contracts and agreements, there was no evidence of translation activity among the Arabs in the pre-Islamic era, with the exception of some rare bilingual inscriptions found in some parts of the Arabian Peninsula – such as the Harran Inscription, which dates back to 568 CE (Baker and Hanna 2008: 328). Translation gained momentum only with the advent of Islam and the beginning of the Arabs’ contact with other nations. The Arabs were an oral nation, whereas translation is an activity based on writing. The first recognized “interpreter” and translator was Zaid ibn Thabit al-Ansari (d. 665 CE), who used to translate for Prophet Muhammad from the Persian, Latin, Coptic, and Abyssinian languages. This is confirmed by al-Masudi (d. 956 CE) who writes:

Zaid ibn Thabit al-Ansari wrote to the kings and replied [to them] in the presence of the Prophet, peace be upon him. He also translated to the Prophet – peace be upon him – from Persian, Roman, Coptic and Abyssinian, [languages which he] learned in Madina from the people of these tongues.

(1938: 246)

What is interesting here is that Zaid learned all these diverse languages in Madina, which has been and remains an important commercial center in the Arabian Peninsula. In fact, Madina was an important meeting point for caravans and merchants from neighboring regions. In addition, just as merchants carried their goods, perfumes, and valuables to the city, they brought with them their languages and other aspects of their cultures – their cuisine, clothing, religions, etc. It remains a mystery how and where Zaid learned so many languages, but what we know is that he was hired by the Prophet to work as a translator and interpreter for the new religion.

Translation became more urgent with the advent of the Umayyads (661–750 CE), who were interested in translation of the diwans (administrative apparatus, registers, or government documents), which were written either in Persian or Greek. Translation also gained momentum from the need to organize the affairs of the state and the army. By now, the Arabs were no longer isolated tribes, competing and fighting among themselves, but had formed the nucleus of a vast empire. This Islamic expansion needed records and documents to control the different types of taxation, the revenues of the nascent state, and the salaries of workers in various branches of the government, especially the army since it was the most organized institution in the state. All such bureaucratic necessities required the organization of an inventory of the names of soldiers and their ranks and salaries. These official registers were written either in Persian or Greek, but Abdulmalik ibn Marwan (d. 705 CE), the fifth caliph, having acquired greater power as a result of the newly formed empire, ordered translation of the diwans into Arabic. He also minted new coinage for the state, which angered Byzantine emperor Justinian II and led to a war, which ended in a decisive victory for the Umayyads. The new nation took additional measures to consolidate its power by imposing Arabic as the only official language in the Islamic world, and by translating all diwans into Arabic. This task was carried out by both Syriac and Persian intellectuals and by translators who moved from their countries to Damascus in pursuit of better livelihoods after the collapse of the Sassanian Empire. Additionally, the Persians had extensive knowledge of governmental management, and when the Arabs needed to organize their newly founded empire, Persian intellectuals were ready to contribute their valuable knowledge to the new Umayyad state.

Interest in managing the affairs of state was becoming more urgent, and the caliph who cared most about this issue and paid great attention to it was Hisham ibn Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan (d. 743 CE), who was passionate about politics and the art of running the state. The caliph’s interest in governance and his curiosity to learn more about this subject prompted him to commission a translation of Aristotle’s Letters to Alexander from Greek – as well as another book related to Sassanian history and its emperors (Gutas 1998: 27). Ibn Marwan’s reign also witnessed the replacement of the Byzantine dinar with the silver dirham and the golden dinar, followed by the Arabization of official letters and documents of state. The only other caliph who showed any interest in translation was Umar ibn Abdulaziz (d. 720), who had allowed the dissemination of Masarjwawayh’s translation of the medical compendium (Kunash) of Ahrun.

The other figure associated with translation in this early period of the Umayyad empire was the enigmatic prince Khalid ibn Yazid ibn Mu’awiyah (d. 704 CE), who, after being forced to relinquish his right to the throne found solace in translation, alchemy, and the sciences. According to al-Nadim (d. 995 CE), when someone made a comment about the prince’s career, he explained himself as follows:

You have certainly spent many years of your life seeking the knowledge of this profession [alchemy]. Khalid answered, “I did not do it to enrich my friends and acquaintances; I had a great desire to assume the caliphate but when I was denied it, I had no recourse but to pursue this profession to the end, so that I will never turn down anyone who knows me or whom I have known so that they seek the help of a sultan in fear or awe.” It is said that he proved the truth of the profession.

(1997:497)

The German Orientalist Sigrid Honke has interpreted Khalid’s interest in the sciences as a reaction to his failure to assume the caliphate. Yousif Zaidan has offered a new interpretation for the birth of the Translation Movement in Arabic and for the prince’s interest in the sciences by attributing both situations to a series of crises (2006: 150). The first crisis occurred when the prince’s mother married the caliph; the second, when the caliph kept shaming and disgracing the prince by saying that his mother was always “wet,” i.e., sexually aroused. When the prince confronted his mother with these humiliating accusations, she did not wait more than a night to smother the elderly caliph with a pillow, assisted by her own maids (al-Isfahani 2002: 245–7). When the heir apparent, enraged, sought to avenge his father, she boldly said to him, “Do you want the Arabs to remember your father as the king who was killed in his bed by his wife?” She was never bothered again.

As for al-Ma’mun, the major figure in the Translation Movement, his crises involved the dreams he had about Aristotle. This topic will be dealt with later in more detail, as recent studies have cast doubt on the ideological underpinnings of those dreams – which were not only fabricated but also served a purpose, which was the advancement of al-Ma’mun’s Mu‘tazila doctrine, a doctrine that represents rationalist Islamic philosophy that flourished between the eight to the tenth centuries and that denies the status of the Qur’an as uncreated and co-eternal with God. Al-Ma’mun propagated his own rationalistic doctrine, using Aristotle’s authority to back him.

Nonetheless, it is difficult to explain the Translation Movement, which lasted almost three hundred years, as merely a reaction to personal crises experienced by two people. What can we say about the rest of the caliphs? Were they also in “crisis” and translation was their cure? Moreover, the idea of “crisis” is linked to a temporary condition, which quickly disappears – a phenomenon that does not apply to the overall Translation Movement. Moreover, the Movement was not restricted to one group or class of people but involved a large stratum of the society – writers, scribes, patrons, translators, and paper makers. Some of the people who showed a special interest in translation were from famous families who showered translators with money and financed delegations sent to procure valuable manuscripts. Families such as the Barmakis, the Bani Shaker, and the Bani Musa, were rich enough to sponsor translations and to send envoys to Byzantium and elsewhere to buy manuscripts (ibn Abi Usaibia 1965: 378–9). Reducing such a historically distinct movement that endured for so long to a mere crisis discredits the efforts and achievements of the hundreds of translators who shaped the Translation Movement and are responsible for its enduring influence.

Interestingly, Khalid is the first patron of translation in Arabic and is remembered as being generous, kind, and sagacious. As al-Nadim recounted:

Khalid ibn Yazid was called the wise man of the Marwans. He was a virtuous person and had a passion for science. He took an interest in the study of alchemy. He asked a group of Greek philosophers, who were living in Egypt and who had learned Arabic, to translate Greek and Coptic alchemy books into Arabic. This is the first instance of translation in Islam.

(1997: 338)

Two things are revealed in this quotation: the first is the motive behind Khalid’s support for translation, and the second is his pioneering effort. The main incentive for his translation work (according to al-Nadim) is that “he became interested in alchemy.” The word used is sanna’a, [craft], which is ambiguous and does not refer to a particular profession but merges into another term, sinna’a, which is generally associated with the early beginnings of alchemy and, more specifically, with the change of base metals into precious metals. This is confirmed by al-Nadim’s statement that “the people who work in the sinna’a of chemistry, which refers to making gold and silver from other metals” (417). Al-Nadim’s statement is hard to believe, because, if this is the meaning of sanna’a, then Khalid was involved in alchemy, which essentially aims at converting base metals into gold. This was an impossible dream, which nonetheless occupied numerous alchemists for centuries. Khalid’s career does not reveal any interest in acquiring gold or fortune; on the contrary, as al-Jahiz (868 CE) states:

Khalid ibn Yazid Ibn Muawya was an eloquent orator, a poet and an accomplished man. He was wise, versatile, and prolific in literary production. He was the first to spend money on translators and philosophers, and honored the wise, and every master of any craft. He translated books about stars, medicine, chemistry, wars, literature, mechanics, and industries.

(1945: 328)

The first person to be well known among the Arabs for his generosity toward translators cannot possibly have pursued alchemy to produce gold. Khalid was already extremely wealthy, and he spent huge sums of money on buying manuscripts and paying translators to render those manuscripts into Arabic. Al-Nadim’s statement that Khalid had a material purpose behind translating books on alchemy is simply not credible. Such an insinuation does not conform to Khalid’s life and reputation. Even al-Nadim notes that the prince was generous, magnanimous, and scholarly.

The second issue in the quotation that should attract our attention is that Khalid was the first person in Islam who translated books into Arabic. The famous historian Said al-Andalusi (d. 1070 CE) says that Khalid “was adept at medicine and chemistry and he has written many epistles in chemistry. He has written many poems which are testimony to his artistry and skill” (al-Andalusi 1912: 47–8). From this we can deduce that the first important translator into Arabic was also a scholar in chemistry and medicine, and that he sought the help of proficient translators to render important books into Arabic. This confirms that Khalid actually established the first academic gathering of translators, scientists, and scholars who were sponsored by him. In this sense, one can regard Khalid ibn Yazid as a pioneer in Arabic translation – a pioneer whose efforts preceded those of al-Ma’mun and the House of Wisdom by a century. The pioneering work of Khalid ibn Yazid has yet to attract the attention of scholars because it has been overshadowed by al-Ma’mun, who established a large government institution that had a great and enduring impact on translation. Al-Ma’mun’s name is inseparably linked to the House of Wisdom – to such an extent that we cannot talk about one without mentioning the other. Al-Ma’mun’s impact on translation in Arabic is unrivalled. Khalid’s work was mainly focused on translating books dealing with chemistry, medicine, and the stars, and his original efforts must have been uncertain and faltering, as he had ventured into unchartered territory with no precedent to follow. The number of books that were translated or commissioned by Khalid was limited and his overall effort was humble by later standards, but his great influence on subsequent generations is undeniable. More importantly, Khalid initiated cultural interaction with other nations and made translation his ideal method. Khalid’s approach was emulated by the government officials and the caliphs who came after him. Translation required a great deal of effort and financial resources. Individuals could not be expected to travel to acquire manuscripts in distant lands, or to secure good translators to render those manuscripts into Arabic, or to pay scribes to make copies of the completed translations. This arduous and costly endeavor had to wait several decades before it became the established policy of the state. In other words, it is Khalid who alerted the later caliphs to the importance of translation in acquiring the skills and knowledge of other cultures, notably Greek and Persian. The initial interest in translation later evolved into a grand effort adopted by some of the Abbasid caliphs, such as al-Mansur and al-Ma’mun, who made translation an important part of state administration. And so, while Khalid’s pioneering efforts were modest, they nonetheless laid the foundation for an organized Translation Movement in the Arabic-speaking world.

One can safely assume that the first incentive for Prince Khalid – the real but unacknowledged founder of the Translation Movement in Arabic – was to compensate for a sense of loss, which was associated with his being denied the right to succession. Prince Khalid stressed his desire to ascend the throne, but the throne was taken away from him: “I had a great desire to assume the caliphate, but when I was denied it, I had no recourse but to attain the perfection of this discipline” (al-Nadim 1997: 497). This is a bold statement that reveals a few things that should be taken into account when one attempts to date the beginnings of the Abbasid Translation Movement. Khalid claims frankly and without any hesitation that his initial desire was to rule. When denied the throne, Khalid keenly felt the injustice of that, which led him to turn to science and translation in order to distinguish himself in those fields. This is evident in Khalid’s assertion that he wanted to “attain the perfection of this discipline.” That is, he wanted to excel in the discipline of science more than any previous individual, which is what Khalid actually achieved. He became the most famous figure in alchemy, a discipline about which the Arabs were totally ignorant. Khalid’s name is so associated with alchemy that some medieval sources refer to him as “Calid Rex,” that is, “King Khalid,” and he is credited with writing a number of epistles and books on the subject of alchemy (Tschanz 2003: 11–17). Al-Nadim says (354) that he had seen some of Khalid’s books, notably Heat, The Senior Book, The Junior Sheet, and his Will to Son Regarding Alchemy. Such books were new to the Arab...