Interracial Communication

Theory Into Practice

Mark P. Orbe, Tina M. Harris

• Éditeur: SAGE Publications, Inc
• Année: 2013
• ISBN:
  9781483324258
• Édition: 3
• Sujet: Filología
• Sous-sujet: Estudios de comunicación

This Third Edition of Interracial Communication: Theory Into Practice guides readers in applying the contributions of recent communication theory to improving everyday communication among the races. Authors Mark P. Orbe and Tina M. Harris offer a comprehensive, practical foundation for dialogue on interracial communication, as well as a resource that stimulates thinking and encourages readers to become active participants in dialogue across racial barriers. Part I provides a foundation for studying interracial communication and includes chapters on the history of race and racial categories, the importance of language, the development of racial and cultural identities, and current and classical theoretical approaches. Part II applies this information to interracial communication practices in specific, everyday contexts, including friendships, romantic relationships, the mass media, and organizational, public, and group settings. This Third Edition includes the latest data, new research studies and examples, all-new photos, and important new topics.

P A R T I

Foundations for Interracial Communication Theory and Practice

C H A P T E R 1

Studying Interracial Communication

CASE STUDY

The Consequences of Racial Bias

A recent study by a team of researchers found that White college students avoid conversations about race, and even interracial interactions generally, primarily because they will say something that’s not politically correct and may make them look prejudiced or racist. Some of their findings, given our experiences teaching interracial communication for the past few decades, aren’t surprising. But what is striking about the study’s findings is that many college students report being significantly unnerved by even minor interactions. This seems to support the findings of Trawalter, Richeson, and Shelton’s (2009) study, which found that European Americans with racial bias had great difficulty in completing easy tasks after a brief interaction with African Americans (see “Racism Breeds Stupidity” box, this chapter). Based on your experiences, do you agree with the study’s findings? Do you think that conversations about race, within interracial interactions, are getting more or less authentic? What cautions do you have about classroom discussions about race? Do you think that European American students and students of color experience some of the same anxiety in these contexts? Why, or why not?

Source: Trawalter, S., Richeson, J. A., Shelton, J. N. (2009). Predicting behavior during interracial interactions: A stress and coping approach. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 13, 243–268. http://psr.sagepub.com/content/13/4/243.short.

In 1902, African American historian W. E. B. Du Bois predicted that the primary issue of the 20th century in the United States would be related to the “problem of the color line” (1982, p. xi). From where we stand today, his words—written more than 100 years ago—appear hauntingly accurate. Without question, race relations in the United States continue to be an important issue. But do you think that W. E. B. Du Bois could have anticipated all the changes that have occurred in the last century? Take a minute to reflect on some of these events and how they have changed the nature of the United States: Land expansion and population shifts westward. The Great Depression. World wars. The Cold War. Civil rights movements. Race riots. Multiple waves of immigration. Drastic migration patterns. Technological advances. Population explosions. A competitive global economy. This list is hardly conclusive, but it does highlight some of the major events and developments that the United States experienced during the 20th century. Clearly, the world that existed in 1902 when W. E. B. Du Bois wrote his now famous prediction is drastically different.

Could Du Bois, and other civil rights leaders at the turn of the 20th century, have predicted that the 21st century would see the United States elect its first president of African descent? Most think that this would be doubtful, especially given that over 70% of people in the United States describe their belief that they would not see an African American U.S. president in their lifetime (cited in Orbe, 2011). For many, the election of an African American to the White House symbolizes the American Dream achieved. But what else does this accomplishment mean, especially regarding race and race relations? Given the advances made up to, and culminating in, 2008 the idea that the United States is now a post-racial society has gained a great deal of attention.

“It seems almost impossible to unlink the concepts ‘post-racism,’ ‘post-race,’ or ‘post-racial from Barack Obama’s presidency, given how often they are associated with him” (Ono, 2010, p. 228). The logic in this association is simple: Given Barak Obama’s journey—as a person of African descent who was not born with great privilege—then racism can no longer be used as an excuse for the lack of accomplishment for African Americans. On a logical level, most individuals recognize that President Obama’s election (or reelection, for that matter) “did not automatically and instantaneously end racism” (Ono, 2010, p. 228). President Obama has made this explicitly clear. When asked in a Rolling Stone magazine interview if race relations were any different than when he took office, he replied, “I have never bought into the notion that by electing me, somehow we were entering into a postracial period” (as quoted in Washington, 2012).

Post-racial assertions are generally rooted in a decent, albeit misguided, belief that the United States has reached a moment where we are living out our lives on a level playing field regarding race (Vavrus, 2010). Post-racism, then, is the perfect solution to help the United States forget about the historical effects that are the result of racism (Ono, 2010). In other words, a post-racial society is a fantasy that hinges on the belief that racism no longer exists. Color-blindness is best understood as a strategy of post-racism; it is based on the logic that if a person doesn’t see race, then they cannot be racist (Ono, 2010). While some significant advances have clearly been made since Du Bois’s prediction, race has not vanished from personal, social, and institutional circumstances.

Despite their optimism and hope that is a part of visions for a post-racial society, such talk is problematic. Post-racism discussions make it difficult, even in the face of obvious racial discrimination, to label policies or individual behaviors as oppressive to people of color (Squires, 2010). As such, discussions of a post-racial society have worked to have a boomerang effect: When people of color challenge racism they are accused of bringing up race when it no longer has relevance. The result is that they are then described as being racists themselves (Bonilla-Silva, 2010).

It would be an understatement to say that race continues to be a sensitive issue in the United States (Marable, 2005; Orbe, 2011). Despite the considerable progress made toward racial equality, some researchers regard racial coding as the dominant feature of social interaction (James & Tucker, 2003). Discussions regarding race and ethnicity issues remain difficult, in part, due to significantly different perceptions and realities. Case in point: A national poll conducted by ABC News and the Washington Post in 2003 found that 54% of European Americans thought that race relations were “good” or “excellent,” and 80% felt that African Americans have “an equal chance at jobs.” In the same poll, only 44% of African Americans described race relations as good/excellent, and only 39% perceived equal opportunity in employment. Significant gaps between European American and African American perceptions (more than 30 percentage points) were also found in items related to “equal treatment from police,” “equal treatment from merchants,” “equal chance in housing,” and “equal chance at good public schools” (as discussed in Marable, 2005). Such differences in perceptions present a challenge for effective interracial communication.

Box 1.1 Public Perceptions of U.S. Race Relations

The 2008 Presidential Election’s Affect of Racial Attitudes

The election of Barack Obama as the 44th U.S. President, and the first self-identified African American U.S. President, had an immediate effect on perceptions of race relations. One day after his historic election, 70% of U.S. Americans surveyed said that race relations would improve (Washington, 2012). Subsequent national surveys were conducted periodically since President Obama’s election. They found that, over time, people grew less and less optimistic about how his election could improve race relations. In April 2012, survey results indicated that only 33% described race relations as getting better. Forty-two percent felt that they were basically staying the same, and 23% reported that they were getting worse. According to Agiesta (2012), racial prejudice has increased slightly since 2008—especially for Latinos and African Americans. Given all the hope and optimism that came with President Obama’s election, what do you think happened to drastically reduce people’s assumption that race relations would improve? How do these public polls coincide with the idea of a post-racial society?

The basic premise of this book is that the field of communication, as well as other related disciplines, has much to offer us in working through the racial and ethnic differences that hinder effective communication. U.S. Americans from all racial and ethnic groups must learn how to communicate effectively with one another. During the early to mid-1970s, several books emerged that dealt specifically with the subject of interracial communication (Blubaugh & Pennington, 1976; Rich, 1974; Smith, 1973). These resources were valuable in setting a foundation for the study of interracial communication (see Chapter 6). Given the significant societal changes and scholarly advances in the communication discipline, however, their usefulness for addressing race relations in the 21st century is somewhat limited. Our intention is to honor these scholars, as well as countless others, by creating an up-to-date interracial communication resource guide that provides theoretical understanding and clear direction for application.

Toward this objective, the book is divided into two parts. Part I focuses on providing a foundation for studying interracial communication and includes chapters on the history of race and racial categories, the importance of language, the development of racial and cultural identities, and various theoretical approaches. In Part II, we use this foundation of information to understand how interracial communication is played out in a number of contexts (international, friendship and romantic relationships, organizations, conflict, and the mass media). The final chapter in Part II (Chapter 12) makes the connection between theory and practice explicit, especially as it relates to the future of race relations in the United States.

In this opening chapter, we provide a general introduction to the topic of interracial communication. First, we offer a specific definition of interracial communication, followed by a clear rationale of why studying this area is important. Next, we explain the concept of racial locations and encourage you to acknowledge how social positioning affects perceptions of self and others. Finally, we provide some practical insight into how instructors and students can create a positive, productive climate for discussions on issues related to race. Specifically, we advocate for cultivating a sense of community among discussion participants and suggest several possible guidelines toward engaging in interracial dialogue.

Two important points should be made before you read any further. First, we initially authored this book to be used in interracial and intercultural communication classes at the undergraduate level. As our vision for the book developed, we realized it could be a valuable resource in any number of courses, including those in sociology, psychology, ethnic studies, and education (both undergraduate and graduate). In addition, we hope Interracial Communication: Theory Into Practice will be useful for individuals and groups outside the university setting who are interested in promoting more effective race relations in the United States. Much of our focus in highlighting how communication theory and research is applicable to everyday life interactions occurs within the context of a classroom setting. However, in our minds, a classroom is any place where continued learning/teaching can occur. In this regard, the principles shared in this book can apply to community-based groups and formal study circles, as well as long-distance learning and other types of learning that occur through the cyberspace community. In a very real sense, the world is a classroom, and we hope this book is a valuable resource for those committed to using effective communication practices to improve the relationships between and within different racial/ethnic groups.

Box 1.2 Research Highlight

The Change in African American Stereotypes

The election, and reelection, of Barack Obama as the 44th president of the United States has forever changed racial relations. The larger question is: To what extent? A recent research project (Zhang & Tan, 2011) examined how participants from the United States and China reported changes in their stereotypes of African Americans. Two surveys—one administered on Election Day and the other after it—with identical items were used to measure attitude change regarding racial stereotypes of African Americans. Both U.S. and Chinese respondents rated African Americans more positively after the 2008 election. Interestingly, the change in racial stereotypes occurred more readily away from negative traits (e.g., African Americans are violent, loud, impulsive, and aggressive). Positive traits (e.g., African Americans are hardworking, faithful, honest, good morals, and generous) did not change after President Obama’s election. Zhang and Tan used a media effects model to explain the source of the attitudinal change, and differences between Chinese and U.S. respondents. What do you think about this study’s findings? Do you think that any change in existing stereotypes was long lasting?

Second, we acknowledge the power of language, and therefore we have been careful about using specific terms and labels. Chapter 3 focuses on the importance of language in interracial communication and discusses why we use certain racial and ethnic labels over other alternatives. We think it is vital that you can understand why labels are important beyond issues of so-called political correctness. Both scholarly and personal evidence clearly shows that in most cases one universally accepted label for any specific racial or ethnic group does not exist. So, in these cases, we have chosen labels that are parallel across racial and ethnic groups (e.g., Asian American, African American, European American, Latino/a American or Latin@s, and Native American). In addition, we have decided to use both racial and ethnic markers (instead of focusing on race alone). This decision may initially seem odd, given that this is a book on interracial, not interethnic, communication. But according to most scientific information on race—including how the U.S. government currently defines it—Latino/a Americans (Hispanics) represent an ethnic group with members that cut across different racial groups. Thus, to include “interracial” communication that involves Latino/a Americans and other “racial” groups, we consciously use descriptors such as “race/ethnicity” or “race and ethnicity.” This is an important distinction since ethnicity in some situations may be more important than race (see Chapter 5).

DEFINING INTERRACIAL COMMUNICATION

Early writing on interracial communication defined it specifically as communication between Whites and non-Whites (Rich, 1974) or more generally as communication between people of different racial groups within the same nation-state (Blubaugh & Pennington, 1976). Interracial communication was distinguished from oth...