REFERENCES
Introduction
1 For Titianâs PietĂ see Harold. E. Wethey, The Paintings of Titian, vol. I: The Religious Paintings (London, 1969), cat. no. 86, pp. 122â3. A similar effect, though balancing ordered and disordered elements in the landscape with running or responsive figures, is evident in Nicolas Poussinâs Landscape with a Man Killed by a Snake (c. 1648, National Gallery, London). See T. J. Clark, The Sight of Death: An Experiment in Art Writing (New Haven, CT, and London, 2006).
2 See Titianâs Death of St Peter Martyr (c. 1526â30, illus. 64, 65), which featured a chaotic figure running headlong out of the picture. Titianâs Magdalene might also reflect his knowledge of fifteenth-century Bolognese precedents such as NiccolĂČ dellâArcaâs rushing figure in the Lamentation Over the Body of Christ (1463, Sta Maria della Vita, Bologna) or Ercole deâ Robertiâs dramatic head of the Crying Magdalene from a lost fresco depicting the Crucifixion (before 1486, Pinacoteca Nazionale di Bologna).
3 Peter Humfrey, The Altarpiece in Renaissance Venice (New Haven, CT, and London, 1993), cat. no. 27, pp. 203â7.
4 For the possibility that a 60-cm dado was originally placed at the bottom of the painted field, thus creating a measure of visual disjunction between spectator and image, see S. Sponza, âOsservazioni sulle pale di San Giobbe e di San Zaccaria di Giovanni Belliniâ, Arte Veneta, 41 (1987), pp. 168â75. See also Tom Nichols, âThe Cultural Dynamics of Representational Space in Venetian Renaissance Paintingâ, in Mediterranean Urban Culture, 1400â1700, ed. Alexander Cowan (Exeter, 2000), pp. 176â9.
5 For the symbolism of Titianâs painted architecture in the painting see Kate Dorment, âTomb and Testament: Architectural Significance in Titianâs PietĂ â, Art Quarterly, 35 (1972), pp. 399â418.
6 See the further discussion in the Conclusion, pp. 201â3.
7 Titian great friend and propagandist, the poet Pietro Aretino, referred to Titian (and other artists) as âdivineâ, as did Ludovico Dolce in the longer title of his book Dialogo della Pittura di M. Lodovico Dolce, intolato lâAretino . . . of 1557. For further discussion and references see Luba Freedman, Titianâs Portraits Through Aretinoâs Lens (University Park, PA, 1995), pp. 145â51. For the Renaissance topos of the divino artista more generally, see Ernst Kris and Otto Kurz, Legend, Myth and Magic in the Image of the Artist: A Historical Experiment (New Haven, CT, and London, 1981), pp. 38â60.
8 Giorgio Vasari, Le vite deâ piĂč eccellenti pittori, scultori e architettori, nelle redazioni del 1550 e 1568, ed. Rosanna Bettarini, annotated by Paola Barocchi (Florence, 1987), vol. VI, p. 166. For further discussion of this passage see chapter Four below, pp. 149â51.
9 For this aspect of Titianâs late style see David Rosand, âTitian and the Eloquence of the Brushâ, Artibus et Historiae, II/3 (1981), pp. 85â96; âThe Stroke of the Brushâ, in The Meaning of the Mark: Leonardo and Titian (Lawrence, KS, 1988), pp. 49â89.
10 This practice was first noted by Marco Boschini, La carta del navegar pitoresco: Edizione critica con la âBreve Istruzioneâ, premessa alle âricche minere della pittura venezianaâ (1660), ed. Anna Pallucchini (Venice and Rome, 1966), pp. 711â12.
11 Charles de Tolnay, Michelangelo, vol. V: The Final Period (Princeton, NJ, 1971), pp. 149â52 and see discussion below. For Titianâs ongoing rivalry with Michelangelo, see Rona Goffen, Renaissance Rivals: Michelangelo, Leonardo, Raphael, Titian (New Haven, CT, and London, 2004), pp. 265â338; Paul Joannides, âTitian and Michelangelo / Michelangelo and Titianâ, in The Cambridge Companion to Titian, ed. Patricia Meilman (Cambridge, 2004), pp. 121â45.
12 Titian references Michelangeloâs Moses (c. 1513â15, illus. 93) in the statue at the left, a sculpture he had referred to before after seeing it in Rome in 1545â6 (illus. 86, 92).
13 âBut as the matter dragged on, possibly because, as some say, they [the friars] did not want it [the chapel] to lose the ancient devotion to the Crucifix that is seen there, he did not complete it [the altarpiece].â Translated from Carlo Ridolfi, Le maraviglie dellâarte [1648], ed. Detlev von Hadeln (Berlin, 1914), vol. I, p. 206.
14 Charles Hope, âA New Document about Titianâs PietĂ â, in Sight and Insight: Essays in Honour of E. H. Gombrich at 85, ed. John Onians (London, 1994), pp. 153â67.
15 Burial in the Frari was reserved exclusively for leading members of Veniceâs patrician elite: doges, senators, soldiers and humanists had monuments there, including Federico Corner, Pietro Bernardo, Francesco Foscari, NiccolĂČ Tron and Francesco Barbaro. For the Venetian patriciate more widely, see Robert Finlay, Politics in Renaissance Venice (New Brunswick, NJ, 1980); Donald E. Queller, The Venetian Patriciate: Reality versus Myth (Urbana, IL, 1986); Stanley Chojnacki, âIdentity and Ideology in Renaissance Venice: The Third Serrataâ, in Venice Reconsidered: The History and Civilization of an Italian City-State, 1297â1797, ed. John Martin and Dennis Romano (Baltimore, MD, 2000), pp. 263â94.
16 In order to qualify as an âoriginal citizenâ (cittadino originario) of Venice one had to be able to prove abstention from manual activity in a shop for three generations: see Brian Pullan, Rich and Poor in Renaissance Venice: The Social Institutions of a Catholic State to 1620 (Oxford, 1971), pp. 99â131.
17 Debra Pincus, The Tombs of the Doges of Venice: Venetian State Imagery in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries (Cambridge, 1999).
18 For Vittoriaâs monument, begun by the artist himself in 1565 but only erected after his death in 1602, see Victoria Avery, âAlessandro Vittoria: The Michelangelo of Venice?â, in Reactions to the Master: Michelangeloâs Effect on Art and Artists of the Sixteenth Century, ed. Francis Ames-Lewis and Paul Joannides (Aldershot, 2003), pp. 170â77.
19 Nicholas De Marco, âTitianâs PietĂ : The Living Stoneâ, Venezia Cinquecento, II/4 (1992), pp. 55â92, who also argues for a deliberate iconographic correspondence between the three altarpieces, based on the Virgin, to whom the Frari is dedicated.
20 It was recorded in SantâAngelo by Marco Boschini in 1664: see Giovanna Nepi ScirĂš in Late Titian and the Sensuality of Painting, ed. Sylvia Ferino-Pagden (Venice, 2008), p. 308.
21 For a recent account of this sequence of events see Lionello Puppi, Su Tiziano (Milan, 2004), pp. 61â80. But see also Charles Hope, âTitianâs Family and the Dispersal of his Estateâ, in Late Titian and the Sensuality of Painting, ed. Ferino-Pagden, pp. 29â41, for a disagreement with certain details of Puppiâs interpretation, especially his suggestion that Pomponioâs greed was the main cause of the family dispute over the inheritance.
22 For Ridolfiâs lengthy account of the programme supposedly devised by Venetian painters for Titianâs funeral, see Ridolfi, Le maraviglie dellâarte, ed. von Hadeln, vol. I, pp. 211â18. See David Rosand, âTitian and the Critical Traditionâ, in Titian: His World and His Legacy, ed. David Rosand (New York, 1982), pp. 1â39. But for the programme as Ridolfiâs own literary invention see Charles Hope, âThe Early Biographies of Titianâ, in Titian 500, ed. Joseph Manca, Studies in the History of Art, 45 (Washington, DC, 1993), pp. 170â71. For the homage to Michelangelo in Florence, see The Divine Michelangelo: The Florentine Academyâs Homage on His Death in 1564 (facsimile edition of Esequie del Divino Michelangelo Buonarroti, Florence, 1564), ed. and trans. Rudolf and Margot Wittkower (London, 1964).
23 As early as 1583, the lack of an adequate burial monument to Titian was ascribed to the fact that the âcity was greatly tormented by the terrible plagueâ. See Raffaello Borghini, Il riposo (Florence, 1583), p. 432.
24 David Rosand, Painting in Sixteenth-century Venice: Titian, Veronese, Tintoretto (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 1â34.
25 Augusto Gentili, âTitianâs Venetian Commissions: Events, Contexts, Images, 1537â1576â, in Late Titian and the Sensuality of Painting, ed. Ferino-Pagden, pp. 43â53. Titianâs main antagonist among the younger Venetian painters was Jacopo Tintoretto; see Tom Nichols, Tintoretto, Tradition and Identity (London, 1999), especially pp. 29â48.
26 Gentile was also knighted by the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick III, probably on his visit to Ferrara in 1469. For his later ennoblement by sultan Mehmed II, see Franz Babinger, âEin vorgeblicher Gnadenbrief Mehemeds II fĂŒr Gentile Bellniâ, Italia Medioevale e Umanistica, 5 (1962), pp. 85â10...