IGOs

10 Key excerpts on "IGOs"

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  Managing Global Organizations

  • Maleehah Gull(Author)
  • 2019(Publication Date)
  • Society Publishing

    (Publisher)

  IGOs additionally fill helpful needs for individual states, which frequently use them as instruments of international strategy to authentic their activities and to compel the conduct of different states. Despite the fact that the everyday tasks of most worldwide organizations are overseen by specific global administrations, extreme specialist rests with state individuals. IGOs regularly work intimately with different organizations, including NGOs (e.g., Greenpeace and Amnesty International), which serve a significant number of indistinguishable capacities from their IGO partners and are especially valuable for preparing open help, checking the viability of worldwide guide, and giving data and skill. Albeit a considerable lot of a large number of NGOs direct their exercises toward less created nations in Africa and Asia, some of which have dictator types of government, the greater part of these gatherings are situated in created states with pluralist political frameworks. Just a little part of NGOs is worldwide in extension, however, they have assumed an inexorably significant job in universal relations. It is common to recognize three fundamental sorts of “worldwide organization,” to be specific: between legislative organizations, global non-administrative organizations, and worldwide undertakings. Types of Global Organizations 61 3.1. INTER-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS (IGOs) The Yearbook of International Organizations, which intends to distinguish and list all intergovernmental organizations, characterizes such bodies as being founded on a formal instrument of understanding between the legislatures of country states counting at least three country states as gatherings to the understanding having a perpetual secretariat performing progressing undertakings.

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  Management and Governance of Intergovernmental Organizations

  • Ryan Federo, Angel Saz-Carranza, Marc Esteve(Authors)
  • 2021(Publication Date)
  • Cambridge University Press

    (Publisher)

  Contents 1 Introduction 1 2 IGOs as Organizations 2 3 Management of IGOs 4 4 Governance of IGOs 27 5 Conclusions and Implications 46 Bibliography 54 1 Introduction With the current globalized outlook, intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) have become fundamental to solving complex policy problems across the world. These organizations, established by member states to promote international cooperation, are used to manage the delivery of global public goods (Federo and Saz-Carranza 2018). Research has long under- scored the importance of IGOs in governing and shaping the institutional environments in which firms, national governments, public entities, and nonprofit organizations operate (e.g., Bach and Newman 2014; Shaffer 2015). However, most studies have focused on the political aspects of cooperation, in particular, how and why various member states interact, and the outcomes associated with cooperation. Although IGOs are “organ- izations,” operating within the same bureaucratic system that underpins businesse, public agencies, and nonprofit entities, few studies have offered a holistic understanding of the way in which IGOs function and operate, particularly accounting for their differences in leadership and governance structures. This Element addresses such a gap in the literature and investi- gates what happens to IGOs after they are created. It does so by delving deeply into two important areas: the management and governance of IGOs. It provides scholars and managers with a detailed description of the differences in IGOs and their inner workings, while offering practical guidance on how to manage and govern them effectively. To explain how IGOs are managed and governed, this study builds on a four- year research program that collected three different types of data and produced several academic papers.

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  Mapping the New World Order

  • Thomas J. Volgy, Zlatko Sabic, Petra Roter, Andrea K. Gerlak(Authors)
  • 2009(Publication Date)
  • Wiley-Blackwell

    (Publisher)

  Thus, the research questions we raise particularly in Chapters 2 and 3 about the changing nature of the world order direct us to a systematized conceptualiza-tion of IGOs that is likely to represent only a small portion of the total IGO population and unlikely to be spread evenly across issue/geographic areas. It is important to note, however, that this class of IGO is not always the norm. In certain issue areas, states may prefer the flexibility provided by ad hoc agreements or less institutionalized organizations. This is likely to per-tain to issue areas that are hotly contested by the relevant states, perhaps where a “one problem at a time” mentality dominates and extremely for-malized and stylized interaction is unpalatable. Likewise, issue areas that experience rapid changes, such as in technology or environmental preser-vation, may be more closely associated with more flexible organizational forms (as we see below in Chapter 5). The presence or absence of major powers in the region, as well as outside powers penetrating the region, may greatly influence the degree of desired IGO “strength” by participants (noted in Chapter 8 on the Mediterranean “region”). Therefore, we have chosen to approach our inquiry by following the dynamics associated with the FIGO classification in Chapters 2, 3, and 6, while in Chapters 4, 5, 7, and 8 we 14 Thomas J. Volgy et al. explore the FIGO focus further by comparing the emergence of FIGOs (global, interregional, regional and subregional FIGOs, GIGOs, IRGOs, RGOs and SRGOs, respectively) with looser arrangements, or in the context of specific issue areas (transboundary water issues, acceptance of human rights norms). Critical and common to all these chapters is an awareness of the differences in IGO subpopulations and the extent to which such con-ceptual and empirical differentiation needs to be theoretically driven. 17 Figure 1.1 illustrates the universe of cooperative arrangements.

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  The United States and Multilateral Institutions

  Patterns of Changing Instrumentality and Influence

  • Margaret P. Karns, Karen A. Mingst(Authors)
  • 2003(Publication Date)
  • Routledge

    (Publisher)

  Formal institutions are important because many international issues are too complicated for a strictly decentralized resolution to be effective. Large numbers of states with imperfect knowledge of one anothers’ interests and capabilities are unlikely to arrive at and sustain cooperative agreements without some form of centralized concertation. At a minimum IGOs provide forums for negotiating agreements, settling disputes, and developing networks of interaction. They define issue areas, thereby restricting the range of interstate bargaining, and set agendas as issue areas evolve. Although many of these functions could be fulfilled through informal conferences or regular diplomatic channels, formal IGOs provide useful continuity for ongoing issues. In addition, certain tasks demand more extensive institutionalization. Collection, provision, and creation of information necessary for successful operation of many international agreements requires a significant bureaucratic establishment. So does the need for professional expertise and technical or research programs. The complexity of international agreements requires ongoing interpretation when applied across a wide range of individual cases. Such tasks can be handled only through an elaborate bureaucracy. In some cases this has led to the development of modest adjudicative and even “legislative” powers for IGOs (for example, WHO, GATT). Even though their operations remain firmly subordinate to the interests of states, somewhat independent IGOs can play an important role in the formulation and implementation of interstate cooperation.

  The importance of IGOs to the operation of regimes is clear in the case study chapters. IGO characteristics provide the second most important explanatory factor across the nine cases, as shown in figure 12.1 . Not only do IGOs matter in low politics, they are important in economic and security affairs. It is particularly striking that high politics IGOs actually increased in usefulness to the United States during the very period that other IGOs decreased in usefulness for affecting social welfare issues.11 The studies further demonstrate the utility of existing IGOs in handling emergent problems including AIDS (WHO) and the debt crisis (IMF, World Bank). Finally, several case studies show that IGO influence extends to affecting certain American policies including trade, nuclear nonproliferation, and human rights. Taken together these findings confirm formal IGOs as significant factors in international regimes.

  This observed importance of IGOs in different issue areas highlights a set of unanswered puzzles regarding how different levels of formal institutionalization affect the success of different regimes. Although this volume’s focus on issue areas involving formal IGOs introduces selection bias into the analysis, several cases nevertheless raise particularly intriguing questions about institutionalization. In security, formal organizations are important for nonproliferation but not for arms control. Is the lack of formal arms control organizations a cause or effect of the relatively low level of success in establishing rules? Or is it irrelevant? Similarly, what aspects of the formal institutionalization of the NATO alliance have been important to its success? Would it have been equally effective as a strictly decentralized effort supported by the closely aligned interests of member states? International monetary affairs is an area in which the merits of formal IGOs versus decentralized cooperation are currently being tested. The recent shift toward informal cooperation among the largest Western states as the basis for macroeconomic and exchange rate coordination challenges the role of the IMF. Yet a contrary shift is apparent with respect to an expanded role for the IMF in debt management. These trends are partly explained by changing issue area characteristics (such as those suggested by the move to flexible exchange rates and concern over private financial market failure, respectively). They are also partly explained by American attempts to maintain control over the monetary area. Clearly the differential performance and operation of regimes under various levels of formal institutionalization need much further attention in regime theory.

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  Power and Influence

  The Embeddedness of Nations

  • Deborah E. de Lange(Author)
  • 2010(Publication Date)
  • Palgrave Macmillan

    (Publisher)

  Overall, most countries of the Asian region are very active which likely reflects the overall economic growth. P o w e r a n d I n f l u e n c e 50 A general pattern found in this data is that the most powerful nations make many visits and so do growing nations. Nations that are wealthy and stable, such as Western European nations and Canada, are only somewhat active whereas countries in troubled regions visit each other, possibly to col- laborate and solve problems, for example, South America and Africa. Most countries in trouble do not make many visits. The Middle East oil-produc- ing nations are very central in diplomatic networks; they are visited by oth- ers and are highly interconnected among themselves. It should be considered that countries that do not seem very diplomatically active in these networks may instead be working through international organizations. They may be satisfied with the agendas of these organizations and their cooperative ori- entation whereas countries with particular agendas may be more inclined to make visits. C h a p t e r 5 International Governmental Organizations International government organizations (IGOs) are political institu- tions that serve many purposes through cooperative diplomatic relations. An IGO is official when its membership includes at least three members from the state system defined by the Correlates of War, 1 it holds regular plenary sessions at least once every ten years, and has a permanent secretariat and headquarters. IGOs operate not only with different agendas, but also on different terms and these terms of reference shape the power relationships and decisions in these forums. For example, the World Bank and IMF oper- ate on the grounds that a country contributing more funds to the institution has more weight in a vote; thus, all countries are not equal in these IGOs which are oriented toward financial aid and development.

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  The Ebb and Flow of Global Governance

  Intergovernmentalism versus Nongovernmentalism in World Politics

  • Alexandru Grigorescu(Author)
  • 2020(Publication Date)
  • Cambridge University Press

    (Publisher)

  17 For discussions of how the emergence of INGOs triggers the emergence of IGOs, see, e.g., Boli and Thomas (1997, 1999); for discussion of IGOs generating opportunities for new INGOs to emerge, see, e.g., Reimann (2006) and Steffek (2014). 18 The graph is based on data from Union of International Associations (2015). It represents the smoothed five-year moving average. 15 The Decision-Making Dimension of Continuum new IGO established, there were more than ten new INGOs, in the imme- diate post–World War II era, for every new IGO there were only about three new INGOs. The ups and downs of the graph in Figure 1.3 can be interpreted as reflections of greater intergovernmentalism and nongovern- mentalism, respectively. In addition to this “first cut” discussion of the relative intergovernmental versus nongovernmental nature of global governance based on a dichoto- mous understanding of decision making, we can also identify degrees of governmental versus nongovernmental control. Moreover, there is signifi- cant variation across time with regard to such control. Indeed, many IOs such as the IBE and the UN World Tourism Organization started out by giving nongovernmental actors control over decisions and later formally granted control to governments (IUOTO 1969). Other organizations, such as Intelsat 19 and Inmarsat (Sagar 1999), were transformed from formal IGOs into private, nongovernmental entities. Additionally, IOs do not necessar- ily fall on one end or the other of the continuum. In some organizations, both governmental and nongovernmental actors are given votes. The first such mixed arrangements date back to the early international meetings of the mid-nineteenth century. For example, in the first International Sanitary Conference of 1851, states were each represented by two delegates, a dip- lomat and a physician (Charnovitz 1997 , 5). After World War I, the ILO became the “poster child” of hybrid organizations.

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  Brands, Geographical Origin, and the Global Economy

  A History from the Nineteenth Century to the Present

  • David M. Higgins(Author)
  • 2018(Publication Date)
  • Cambridge University Press

    (Publisher)

  However, as a form of collective property anchored to specific places, IGOs challenge this picture in significant ways. 28 notes on sources One of the chief sources used in this study is the press, especially the ‘trade press’. In this regard, The Grocer and Oil Trades Review, and the Meat Trades Journal and Cattle Salesman’s Gazette, have been invaluable. Both publications provide extensive commentary on Australasian, British, European, and US agricultural developments and legislation; they also contain detailed analysis of litigation launched in British courts. Such reporting is particularly valuable because actions involving misrepresen- tation of geographical origin were usually heard in magistrates’ courts: they were not considered sufficiently serious to be heard – and therefore reported – in official law reports. Whereas infringement of ‘technical’ trademarks directly affects individual firms, misuse of IGOs undermines the goodwill that communities, industries, regions, and even nations have 28 Barham, ‘Translating Terroir’, 129. 294 Brands, Geographical Origin, and the Global Economy established for their products. Consequently, central government features prominently in national and international efforts to improve the legal regime protecting geographical indications. For this reason, extensive use is made of official publications, including the publications of the Australian Dairy Producers Control Board’ New Zealand Dairy Produce Control Board; New Zealand Meat Producers Board; Reports of the Minister of Agriculture for the Dominion of Canada; US Department of Agriculture, as well as the publications of the UK’s Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries. Many of these reports contain the views of major agricul- tural bodies, and they inform the discussion in Chapters 3 and 4.

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  International Law and the European Union

  • Jed Odermatt(Author)
  • 2021(Publication Date)
  • Cambridge University Press

    (Publisher)

  1 For work on the EU in particular organizations, see R. A. Wessel & J. Odermatt (eds), Research Handbook on the European Union and International Organizations (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2019); C. Kaddous (ed), The European Union in International Organisations and Global Governance: Recent Developments (Oxford: Hart, 2015); K.-E. Jørgensen & Katie Laatikainen (eds), Routledge Handbook on the European Union and International Institutions: Performance, Policy, Power (London:Routledge, 2013). 131 In order to examine the EU’s relationship with IOs, it is useful to discuss briefly what is meant by ‘international organization’. An international organ- ization is generally described in international law as a body established by a treaty, which has states among its members. One commonly used defin- ition regards international organizations as ‘forms of co-operation (i) founded on an international agreement; (ii) having at least one organ with a will of its own; and (iii) established under international law’. 2 This legal definition places importance on the separate legal personality of the organ- ization. For the purposes of this chapter, a broader notion of international organization is used. This is because a focus on only intergovernmental organizations with legal personality would leave out a much larger array of bodies that, although not IOs from the perspective of international law, develop norms that have an effect on the EU legal order. In this sense, international organizations include more than just the intergovernmental bodies such as the United Nations, the World Trade Organization or the International Monetary Fund (IMF), but also include a vast array of inter- national bodies whose output has an effect on the EU.

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  Yearbook of International Cooperation on Environment and Development 2001-02

  • Olav Schram Stokke, Oystein B. Thommessen(Authors)
  • 2013(Publication Date)
  • Routledge

    (Publisher)

  NTERGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS (IGOs) including United Nations specialized agencies Commission on Sustainable Development (CSD) European Union (EU): Environment Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) Global Environment Facility (GEF) International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) International Council for the Exploration of the Sea (ICES)* International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) International Labour Organization (ILO) International Maritime Organization (IMO) International Monetary Fund (IMF) International Oil Pollution Compensation Funds (IOPC Funds) Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Environment Policy Committee (EPOC)* United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) World Bank World Food Programme (WFP) World Health Organization (WHO) World Meteorological Organization (WMO) World Trade Organization (WTO) * included in Tables of International Organizations and Degrees of Participation, by Country and Territory Passage contains an image

  Commission on Sustainable Development (CSD)

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  NGOs, IGOs, and the Network Mechanisms of Post-Conflict Global Governance in Microfinance

  • A. Ohanyan(Author)
  • 2008(Publication Date)
  • Palgrave Macmillan

    (Publisher)

  NGOs are central for understanding the impli- cations for accountability and policy control that are raised by network- based governance in post-conflict regions. Therefore, before presenting the diversity of NGO-IGO network arrangements, a discussion tailored specifically to the NGO sector is warranted. First, NGOs are gatekeepers of final policy outcomes as delivered by the network as a whole. In post-conflict network governance, NGOs, particularly those in the service sector, have emerged as the key implement- ing agencies. In post-conflict service sector issues, NGOs tend to assume roles of policy implementers, as IGOs subcontract with them for project implementation purposes. The study of NGO performance and the policy choices it makes on the ground allows one to contrast such outcomes with the original intentions and preferences of the donor organizations. In many cases, what NGOs deliver can be dramatically altered from the original priorities and intentions of some of their donors. Indeed, this is the methodological rationale for studying NGO performance within the context of their respective donor networks, and not in isolation. 36 / ngos, IGOs, and the network mechanisms Second, NGOs are interlocutors of diverse policy positions within global policy networks (DeMars 2005). When working through multiple donors within a network, it is at the implementation level that competing and conflicting policy directions of different donors are uncovered. While some NGOs are able to integrate such policy objectives into a coherent frame- work, others remain fraught with these tensions. As subsequent chapters will illustrate, the tension between peace-building and institution-building policies is managed more constructively in some networks than in others, hence the distinction between networks that harness the transformative power of NGOs and those that are poorly positioned to do so.

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