Regeneration

10 Key excerpts on "Regeneration"

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  Real Estate Concepts

  A Handbook

  • Ernie Jowsey(Author)
  • 2014(Publication Date)
  • Routledge

    (Publisher)

  14 Regeneration Julie Clarke, Hannah Furness, Paul Greenhalgh, Rachel Kirk and David McGuinness 14.1 Defining urban Regeneration

  Key terms: urban Regeneration; neighbourhood renewal; area-based initiatives; multiple deprivation

  Regeneration is a term that is widely misused and misunderstood. It means different things to different people, and can range from large-scale activities that promote economic growth, to neighbourhood interventions that improve people’s quality of life. Fundamentally, it is a holistic process of reversing economic, social and physical decline in areas where market forces alone will not suffice. Holistic Regeneration may be conceptualised as a stool, the three legs of which represent physical, economic and social aspects, without any one of which the stool will fall over.

  Urban Regeneration as an idea encapsulates both the perception of a town or city in decline and the hope of renewal, reversing trends in order to find a new basis for economic growth and social well-being. It may be defined as a comprehensive and integrated vision and action that leads to the resolution of urban problems and that seeks to bring about a lasting improvement in the economic, physical, social and environmental condition of an area that has been subject to change (Roberts and Sykes, 2000).

  Physical Regeneration is work on the physical fabric of an area where such work forms part of a strategy to promote social, physical and economic improvements in a given locality, rather than just redevelopment driven solely by market forces (Commission for Racial Equality, 2007). It is necessary to clearly distinguish physical Regeneration activity from redevelopment; the latter has arguably been occurring ever since urban settlements existed. It is the process of recycling or reusing land that has already been developed, and may involve demolition, land remediation and reclamation, rebuilding, rehabilitation, conversion and change of use etc. To be considered to be physical Regeneration, a project must have some public sector input or intervention that results in it making a contribution beyond the delivery of profitable or worthwhile property development.

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  Urban Regeneration

  • Peter Roberts, Hugh Sykes, Rachel Granger, Peter Roberts, Hugh Sykes, Rachel Granger, Author(Authors)
  • 2016(Publication Date)
  • SAGE Publications Ltd

    (Publisher)

  Having identified and traced the evolution of some of the major issues and factors that have been evident in previous eras of urban change and policy, the preceding section of this chapter isolated six important themes which represent the origins and outcomes of past problems and policy responses. Although they reflect the enduring and continuous nature of economic, social and physical change, they do not yield, by themselves, the basis for a comprehensive definition of urban Regeneration. In order to help to construct a working definition of urban Regeneration it is also necessary to identify emerging areas of concern and likely future challenges. As was argued above, the most important of these challenges is that which is represented by the need to ensure that all areas of public and private policy operate in accord with the economic, social, environmental and political principles embodied in the notion of sustainable development.

  A Definition of Urban Regeneration

  Although the very nature of Regeneration makes it a constantly evolving and varied activity, the six themes provide the basis for an initial definition of urban Regeneration as:

  comprehensive and integrated vision and action which seeks to resolve urban problems and bring about a lasting improvement in the economic, physical, social and environmental condition of an area that has been subject to change or offers opportunities for improvement.

  This somewhat ideal definition encompasses the essential features of urban Regeneration identified by Lichfield, who points to the need for ‘a better understanding of the processes of decline’ and an ‘agreement on what one is trying to achieve and how’ (Lichfield, 1992: 19); by Hausner, who emphasises the inherent weaknesses of approaches to Regeneration that are ‘short-term, fragmented, ad hoc and project-based without an overall strategic framework for city-wide development’ (Hausner, 1993: 526); by Donnison in his call for ‘new ways of tackling our problems which focus in a co-ordinated way on problems and on the areas where those problems are concentrated’ (Donnison, 1993: 18); and by Diamond and Liddle (2005) who emphasise the need for action across all relevant policy spheres.

  The definition given above represents urban Regeneration designed and delivered in a total package and to the final point of completion. However, as Tallon (2010) observes, the reality is that Regeneration often operates in a fragmented manner and not all problems are solved.

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  Financial Engineering in Sustainable Funding of Urban Development in the EU

  Reflections on the JESSICA Initiative

  • Piotr Idczak, Ida Musia?kowska, Ida Musia?kowska, Ida Musia?kowska, Ida Musiałkowska(Authors)
  • 2022(Publication Date)
  • De Gruyter

    (Publisher)

  de Magalhães, 2015 ). Regeneration interventions realise the need to counter localised market failures and to achieve an equity objective (regarded as social cohesion). These actions lead to attaining additional social, economic and environmental outputs and outcomes which would otherwise not have occurred or which would have been yielded at an unsatisfactory level.

  Of particular importance in this context is a holistic approach. This stipulates that any Regeneration initiatives should be implemented by bringing a wide range of social, economic and environmental considerations into the decision-making process on an integrated programme of urban development. The idea considers the Regeneration programme as relating to a complete city system, and rejects a piecemeal approach. To address the issues resulting from this comprehensiveness, the needs and aspirations of local residents to redevelop their locality are supposed to be met in the wake of the coordination of a number of private and public sector actions (Couch, Sykes, & Börstinghaus, 2011 ). Moreover, the formulation of solutions to the problems of deprived urban area residents and people living in the neighbourhood should take place by way of a common vision, agreed objectives and priorities, pooled expertise and common decisions for the allocation of resources. In this respect it should also be underlined that, following de Magalhães’s view (2015) , the core understanding of what socio-economic decline in cities means must be seen as social, economic and environmental problems of a city (locality) rather than as social, economic and environmental problems that happened to take place in that locality. Therefore urban Regeneration through holistic approach policies seeks to address the problems of cities in all their multiple dimensions. It is then characterised by agendas of inclusiveness, multi-agency partnerships, and a shift from government to governance (J. Evans & Jones, 2008

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  Social Sustainability

  • Sudha Menon, University of Kerala, India(Authors)
  • 2019(Publication Date)
  • Society Publishing

    (Publisher)

  Urban Regeneration and Social Sustainability 173 Source: http://static.kremlin.ru/media/events/photos/big/LPKa8jambC5Pz-Dn7FqPaL2oJ0SQOTYKU.jpg Progressive development of urban planning can be explained as ongoing regenerative procedure in urban spaces through developing existing environments by attaining new examples. Appreciation of old values in urban planning, as discussed above, has made different strategists and policy-makers respectful of old urban structures, such as shopping at small and local retailers. In this context, many metropolitan cities of America have highlighted retail developments as stated by Frisch and Servon in the year 2006, Halebsky in the year 2004 as well as Nunn in the year 2001 to refresh and regenerate their sectors from the dramatic suburbanization in the United States since the 1950s. Suburban expansion has been criticized by many researchers such as Baum-Snow in the year 2007, Massey, and Denton in the year 1988, Mieszkowski, and Mills in the year 1993 as well as Rowley in the year 1980 for producing negative consequences such as metropolitan fragmentation, hollowing out, residential segregation, and deteriorated inner city. Because of these negative effects, scholars, and practitioners have been evaluating better alternatives to improve socioeconomic and natural environments in urban areas. These endeavors have created diverse urban planning paradigms legally and administratively since the early years of the last century. Information and communication technology which is the full form used in place of ICT have facilitated the assessment and planning of human environments; in particular, urban planning works are increasingly dependent on Information and communication technology like Geographic Information System, Internet-based communication, etc. as stated by famous researchers Graham in the year 2002, Hanzl in the year 2007 and the same by well-known researcher named as Van der Meer and Van Winden in the year 2003.

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  Town and Infrastructure Planning for Safety and Urban Quality

  Proceedings of the XXIII International Conference on Living and Walking in Cities (LWC 2017), June 15-16, 2017, Brescia, Italy

  • Michèle Pezzagno, Maurizio Tira(Authors)
  • 2018(Publication Date)
  • CRC Press

    (Publisher)

  Urban Regeneration involves comprehensive and integrated actions which seek to resolve urban problems and bring lasting improvements in the economic, physical, social and envi-ronmental condition of an area that has been subject to change or offers opportunities for improvements (Roberts, 2000). But what makes a Regeneration project successful? And how should such interventions be pursued and managed? It is now widely recognised in the literature that successful urban Regeneration projects need to ensure affordability, access to facilities and involve local communities and residents (see, i.a., Forrest, 2017; Roberts et al., 2016; Santangelo et al., 2014). Regeneration is a process that takes time, and should be adaptable enough to give residents a genuine voice. At European level, noteworthy urban Regeneration experiences include the case study of 78 Manchester, the King’s cross station area in London and the Hammarby Sjöstad district in Stockholm (see, i.a., Bianchini and Parkinson, 1993; Iverot and Brandt, 2011). Within this background, an urban Regeneration project is being developed in Brescia, a city in the North of Italy, with a population of nearly 196,000. Brescia is a municipality with a great amount of emissions per year, and is characterized by the presence of many industries also located within the urban area. The main objective of the Regeneration project here described is to make the rundown neighbourhood of Porta Milano , in the periphery of the city, attractive and vibrant again, and to find new purposes for underused and neglected spaces in that area. 2 URBAN Regeneration IN THE STRATEGIC URBAN PLAN (PGT) OF BRESCIA Like in the most of Italian cities, in the recent years a deep economic crisis affected the real estate market in Brescia. This crisis, together with demographic dynamics (due both to natu-ral balances and migration flows), marked the history of its urban transformations.

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  Regeneration, Heritage and Sustainable Communities in Turkey

  Challenges, Complexities and Potentials

  • Muge Akkar Ercan(Author)
  • 2019(Publication Date)
  • Routledge

    (Publisher)

  raison d’être for conservation in all senses’ (Avrami and Mason, 2000: 4). Hence, protecting poor, vulnerable communities living and working in deprived historic urban quarters in accordance with their multifaceted needs, aspirations and values, and ultimately turning them into SCs is also indispensable for sustainable urban conservation. Therefore, particularly in historic neighbourhoods, the difficult task of conservation initiatives is to develop strategies not only ensuring the continuing contribution of heritage to the present and the future through the thoughtful and intelligent management of change responsive to the heritage environment and collective needs, but also preserving the fundamental elements of the social environment. If such strategies find ways of reconciling the needs, aspirations and concerns of local communities and the conservation of the heritage geographies with multiple values, they are likely to develop more equitable and sustainable solutions to the problems of historic quarters.

  The effectiveness and success of (sustainable ) Regeneration endeavours in heritage geographies, therefore, depend on three main conditions: first, the extent to which they protect vulnerable, poor communities by meeting their economic, social, cultural, environmental, health and political needs, ultimately turning them into SCs; second, the extent to which they restore heritage geographies by adopting present needs without risking the loss of inherited built resources with their interrelated sets of values for future generations; and finally, the extent to which they achieve both objectives in a sustainable and balanced fashion. The understanding of community needs is elaborated further in the next sections.

  Relational understanding of Regeneration spaces in cities

  In an era of globalisation and neoliberal urbanism, Harvey (2016: 137) defines urbanisation as ‘a spatially grounded social process in which a wide range of actors with quite different objectives and agendas interact through a particular configuration of interlocking spatial practices’. It produces numerous artefacts, such as constructed spaces and resource systems, as well as institutional arrangements, legal forms, political and administrative systems and hierarchies of power (Harvey, 2016). Indeed, spaces are ‘interrelated entities’ that are open to and engaged with other spaces and places. They are ‘relational constructs’ made by biological, physical, economic, social and cultural processes and relations established between entities of various kinds (Murdoch, 2006). According to Harvey (1996), discrete spaces and places need to be regarded as dynamic configurations of ‘relative permanences’. The resonances of the relational approach to urban Regeneration are therefore twofold: first, to conceptualise Regeneration spaces as the notions of ‘relative permanence’ and ‘perpetual perishing’ in a time–space relation; and second, to conceive them with reference to the spatio-temporal dynamics; i.e. spatial changes in time. By conceiving Regeneration spaces as ‘semi-permanent’ with a spatio-temporal perspective rather than ‘static’ and ‘contained’ in time moving in one directional and linear way, it is possible to discover the ‘flow’ and ‘fixity’ nature of spaces.

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  Sustainable Urbanization

  • Mustafa Ergen(Author)
  • 2016(Publication Date)
  • IntechOpen

    (Publisher)

  However, these Regeneration projects have put in force without comprehensive social, physical, and environmental sensitivities, generally far from a sustainable approach. In recent years, most of the local authorities have renewed the upscale and detailed plans in order to galvanize the city's developments with new strategies and visions especially in metropolitan areas. Urban Regeneration has been identified as the significant tool for achieving in the redevelopment of cities through global and local demands. In this process, brownfields have taken the attraction of developers and global investors with their locations and sizes. However, local authorities have tended to regard urban Regeneration mostly as a project‐based developments rather than a holistic restructuring process at the urban scale [39], and as a result, former spaces of industrial production sites can turned into luxurious residences, gentrified neighborhoods, office towers, shopping complexes, and the like [40 ]. Although these trans‐ formations negatively criticized by academicians and experts on the local agenda, local governors strongly support them in order to gain revenues and to integrate global cities network. This situation is defined as “market‐oriented transformation through governmental assis‐ tance” in many academic writings and reports [15, 39, 41–43]. 3.1.5. Preservation policies The concept of brownfield Regeneration was taken place at the Turkish national agenda with the acceptance of the ICOMOS Montreal Action Plan by the Turkish National Committee of ICOMOS in 2001, which allowed industrial buildings to be conserved as part of Turkey's twentieth century cultural and architectural heritage [15]. Since the midst of 1980s, the potential of old industrial areas as a cultural heritage have recognized, and some projects were devel‐ oped through the international preservation policies, especially in Istanbul. However, the sustainability issue neglected in most of those implementations.

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  The Routledge Companion to Urban Regeneration

  • Michael E. Leary, John McCarthy, Michael E. Leary, John McCarthy(Authors)
  • 2013(Publication Date)
  • Routledge

    (Publisher)

  It has been obvious for many years that a variety of problems confront communities and governments and that there is some variation between the difficulties faced in cities in the Global North compared with the Global South. These variations percolate through this Part (as they do in other Parts of the book) but what is also striking is how in recent years we have witnessed a growing convergence regarding some Regeneration responses. The notion of convergence is one that provides a conceptual peg for elements of the discussion in the substantive chapters that follow. Since it emerged as a discrete factor in national, regional and city-wide urban policy, Regeneration has sought to find long-term solutions to seemingly intractable problems. Precisely what constitutes an urban problem deserving of specialized public sector resources is, of course, highly politicized since it can bring with it not just additional resources but societal stigmatization. It is often a locally sensitive issue. Noticeably, the identification of urban problems has undoubtedly become more scientific through the use of statistical data, especially in the Global North where reliable data are usually more readily available.

  That said, the North/South dichotomy has limited utility as an analytical tool due to the extent of variation in the complexity of urban form, socio-economic issues and Regeneration approaches between and within the Global South and North. In Britain for example, demolition and comprehensive redevelopment of public housing areas deemed socially irredeemable continues in the 2000s, for instance in Manchester (

  Mace et al. 2007

  ) where the results are generally seen as relatively successful (Grant 2010 ), and in South London (Montgomery 2011 ) where a hugely ambitious project requiring large-scale demolition of public housing has been dogged by controversy, governance and financial problems for ten years (Bar-Hillel 2013 ). Demolition also remains a feature of urban Regeneration in US in cities such as Chicago, Baltimore and Detroit but exceptionally, New York’s powerful City Housing Authority resisted pressures to demolish large areas of problematic public housing until recently (Fernandez 2010 ; Vitullo-Martin 2012 ). The London 2012 Olympic Park, one of Europe’s largest Regeneration projects, required the complete clearance of many homes and businesses in an area of East London that was considered semi-derelict and expendable (Raco and Tunney 2010 ). However, several authors argue that the extent to which such areas are beyond socio-economic repair and rehabilitation is a political as well as technical matter and is often contested, as it has been for decades. Part 1 illustrates how facets of globalized neo-liberalism have in the last two decades spread to take hold in many countries around the globe. And it would be folly to pretend the consequences of and concerns about these twin structural forces can or should be compressed only into the first Part of this book. It should therefore be no surprise to see these themes as well as those of convergence and divergence popping up in the chapters in this Part and in successive Parts. Convergence is often predicated on international urban policy transfer (Zhang and Fang 2004 ;

  Breda-Vázquez et al

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  Community and the Problem of Crime

  • Karen Evans(Author)
  • 2023(Publication Date)
  • Routledge

    (Publisher)

  Subsequently, however, economic and social problems were pushed further down to local and regional state authorities and then, from the 1980s, it was expected that partnerships would be built with the private sector to lever in non-government finance. As financing models have changed, so too has the focus of those involved. Post-war urban renewal emphasized the development of social value and the provision of infrastructure and housing reflecting an optimism that building the physical architecture for future economic and social success would benefit the country as a whole and lead to a general growth in prosperity. From the 1970s, however, this optimism has faded. Talk of urban renewal was replaced by the idea that many local economies had failed and the discourse of Regeneration gained currency. This Regeneration discourse was more concerned with responding to, and finding ways to adapt to, ongoing crisis at the level of the economy, neighbourhood or community. Whilst the problem of de-industrialization and degeneration of the economy was global in its reach, Regeneration has been largely driven at a local level. As we will see later on in this chapter, this was in part a move to devolve responsibility away from national governments and to responsibilize the local (Roberts and Sykes 1999) but Regeneration policies also had the effect of fragmenting responses to problems which were manifest nationally and internationally. Regenerating economy The first Regeneration strategies were designed to create adaptations in the physical and work environment in which towns and cities operated. De-industrialization had left whole areas of cities without an economic function as industries withdrew but left behind buildings, machinery and a workforce which were now redundant

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  City Visions

  Imagining Place, Enfranchising People

  • Frank Gaffikin, Mike Morrissey(Authors)
  • 1999(Publication Date)
  • Pluto Press

    (Publisher)

  7 Urban Regeneration: The New Policy Agenda Frank Gaffikin and Mike Morrissey This chapter elaborates some of the issues raised in Michael Parkinson’s overview of policy trends, assessing recent shifts in urban policy and delivery structure in Britain, elsewhere in Europe and in the USA, and examining the key lessons about urban Regeneration from 30 years of urban programmes. Certain themes and trends were evident in 1980s urban revitalisa-tion. Among these was the relative emphasis on downtown compared to neighbourhood; the fashion for waterfront development ; the regen-erative role of services ; the increased influence of the private sector, sometimes via new forms of partnerships ; and the greater use of place marketing . But, fundamental to the approach in both the USA and the UK was a dependence on physical renewal . Since the 1990s, the agenda has moved on. Strategies that are more comprehensive and integrative are being sought, based on the following lessons: 1. Economic development • Regeneration based on a few flagship projects is ‘over-exposed’ to the volatility of the property market, and in any case, percolates down very little to the most deprived areas. • Stable Regeneration depends on fine tuning the mix between indigenous development and inward investment , and in a similar way being selective about the sectors which are targeted for growth. • This selection should be based on a long-term development perspective – what projects are going to upgrade skills training of the workforce; introduce new technologies and/or efficient working practices ; bring management and marketing expertise; industrially link with, and spread good practice and technology to, existing local firms; and require significant R&D support? 1 • Urban economic competitiveness and social cohesion are not mutually exclusive. Cities that are open for global business don’t have to be closed to their own most needy neighbourhoods. 116

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