Negative Impacts of Regeneration

4 Key excerpts on "Negative Impacts of Regeneration"

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  eBook - ePub

  Fitting into Place?

  Class and Gender Geographies and Temporalities

  • Yvette Taylor(Author)
  • 2016(Publication Date)
  • Routledge

    (Publisher)

  The (mis)management of resources and uneven effects suggests again the vulnerabilities of particular people and places within the logics of regeneration/degeneration. Spatial segregations are renewed rather than seamlessly transformed, where, for example, rural regenerations mean something quite different from urban regeneration – in the case of ex-mining communities this included being ranked as ‘deprived’ and being in receipt of European Social Funds to simply ‘get by’ rather than to get ahead culturally or economically. Regeneration as a policy itself produces spatialised orientations of and for accumulative, ‘active’ citizens as opposed to more ‘pragmatic’ citizens, with the latter often being absented from ideas of ‘city publics’ (Watson 2006, Back 2007): such orientations, as dispositions and feelings, are disproportionately aligned and/or at odds with regional change. Even well-resourced residential and leisure areas were at times positioned as going too far, as material improvements was repositioned as a loss by and for middle-class subjects who could articulate a claim as losing out, being ‘crowded out’ by the wrong kind of ‘influx’; often this middle-class claim was expressed an aesthetic degeneration of their landscapes. This chapter explores the moral and material positions of ‘improvement’ and the proximities and distances that are invoked through, for, and by ‘improving’ people/ places. Distance invokes both time and place and certain geographical locations were viewed as moving too fast, colliding past and present terrain, in becoming something different: such changes were variously perceived as assets or failures in ‘crowding out’ the once protected, authentic, middle-class terrain

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  The Regeneration Imperative

  Revitalization of Built and Natural Assets

  • William Humber, Gail Krantzberg, Velma I. Grover(Authors)
  • 2015(Publication Date)
  • CRC Press

    (Publisher)

  Such a strategy recognizes that while the combined negative footprint will continue to grow due to an increasing world population and the associated cumulative increases of even ‘reduced per operation impacts’, measures exist to reduce it as an overall component of smart urban and economic growth. Working in a Regeneration Economy A regeneration strategy particularly one that hopes to achieve a 2:1 balance between bio-capacity growth versus eco/carbon footprint increase will be practiced in a world as described above which includes both increasing urbanization within successful megapolitan regions and a declining countryside in which places are downsized and single-industry economic 10 P. 11 “The principle of the ten-percent impervious threshold is central to creating marine ecosystem protection programs.” 11 “Lean” societies approach consumption and production with scarcity in mind. In “fat” societies plenty is normal. In the latter gross national income is close to $50,000 per person. The Regeneration Imperative in a Changing World 15 prospects are increasingly marginalized. In the developing world it may include a growing middle class with associated aspirations, while in the developed world changes in different economic sectors point towards profound upheavals in work and employment. Shifts in the latter places are an obvious concern to displaced workers as well as future generations but aren’t new. Agricultural productivity for instance has expanded massively beyond its 19th century economic primacy due to new techniques, technologies, and work processes, but its labor force has shrunk in a seemingly direct proportion. Alongside this is the changing nature of agriculture itself which bears only scant resemblance to our outmoded, idealized, and pastoral vision of the 19th century family farm and its mixed rotation of crops with animals lazily dawdling in the fields.

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  Urban Regeneration

  • Peter Roberts, Hugh Sykes, Rachel Granger, Peter Roberts, Hugh Sykes, Rachel Granger, Author(Authors)
  • 2016(Publication Date)
  • SAGE Publications Ltd

    (Publisher)

  In addition to these requirements, which support the principles of urban regeneration stated above, is the desirability of ensuring that urban areas make a positive contribution to national economic performance and to the attainment of a range of other social and environmental goals. In the past some observers have argued that disadvantaged urban areas, and in particular the inner cities, act as a drag upon national and regional success and should be abandoned, but the evidence for such a stance is, at best, flimsy. Most assessments dismiss the view that disadvantaged inner urban areas should be abandoned because they are no longer important to the success and prosperity of the regions and nations in which they are located. This point has been expressed with force on both sides of the Atlantic. Stegman notes that ‘the tragedy of the inner city affects everyone’ and that the ‘overall performance of metropolitan regions is linked to the performance of their central cities, and urban distress moves outwards from the core’ (Stegman, 1995: 1602). In essence, what Stegman and others are saying is that cities matter, and that the task of ensuring the effective regeneration of an urban area is of fundamental importance to a wide range of actors and stakeholders, including local communities, city and national government, property owners and investors, economic activities of all kinds, and environmental organisations at all levels from the global to the local.

  Figure 2.1 The urban regeneration process

  From Theory to Practice

  This section of the chapter offers a brief review of some of the major theories which provide a foundation for the practice of urban regeneration. Two immediate problems here are the absence of a single accepted theory that is capable of explaining the entire range of issues related to the occurrence and outcomes of urban change, and the existence of widely differing views as to what constitutes the scope and competence of urban regeneration. As a number of commentators have observed, regeneration is an ‘ambiguous term’ (Jones and Evans, 2013: 3).

  Most explanations of the process of urban change commence with a consideration of a single factor. They then seek to widen their scope by reference to the outcomes of urban change, rather than the underlying causes. The end result is that some theories of urban change provide only a partial insight into what is a complex and dynamic process.

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  Sustainable Urbanization

  • Mustafa Ergen(Author)
  • 2016(Publication Date)
  • IntechOpen

    (Publisher)

  However, these regeneration projects have put in force without comprehensive social, physical, and environmental sensitivities, generally far from a sustainable approach. In recent years, most of the local authorities have renewed the upscale and detailed plans in order to galvanize the city's developments with new strategies and visions especially in metropolitan areas. Urban regeneration has been identified as the significant tool for achieving in the redevelopment of cities through global and local demands. In this process, brownfields have taken the attraction of developers and global investors with their locations and sizes. However, local authorities have tended to regard urban regeneration mostly as a project‐based developments rather than a holistic restructuring process at the urban scale [39], and as a result, former spaces of industrial production sites can turned into luxurious residences, gentrified neighborhoods, office towers, shopping complexes, and the like [40 ]. Although these trans‐ formations negatively criticized by academicians and experts on the local agenda, local governors strongly support them in order to gain revenues and to integrate global cities network. This situation is defined as “market‐oriented transformation through governmental assis‐ tance” in many academic writings and reports [15, 39, 41–43]. 3.1.5. Preservation policies The concept of brownfield regeneration was taken place at the Turkish national agenda with the acceptance of the ICOMOS Montreal Action Plan by the Turkish National Committee of ICOMOS in 2001, which allowed industrial buildings to be conserved as part of Turkey's twentieth century cultural and architectural heritage [15]. Since the midst of 1980s, the potential of old industrial areas as a cultural heritage have recognized, and some projects were devel‐ oped through the international preservation policies, especially in Istanbul. However, the sustainability issue neglected in most of those implementations.

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