Types of Globalisation

11 Key excerpts on "Types of Globalisation"

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  Political Globalization

  State, Power and Social Forces

  • Morten Ougaard(Author)
  • 2003(Publication Date)
  • Palgrave Macmillan

    (Publisher)

  1 Introduction 1 Introduction: globalization and politics The title of this book ‘Political Globalization’ was chosen to signal that there are important political aspects to the process of globalization. In very general terms these aspects involve transformations in the relations between political processes and territorial states. There is a double pro- cess in which nation-states and the conditions under which national policies are formed and conducted are changed, while at the same time multiple international and transnational political relations develop and intensify, so that nation states increasingly must be seen as components in a larger and more complex international political configuration. Globalization is not only a matter of nation-states facing challenges and opportunities from an increasingly integrated world economy, but also and significantly a question of the political institutions of territori- ally defined national societies becoming integral parts of an increasingly interconnected international and global political system. The purpose of the book is to contribute to the theoretical and empir- ical analysis of this phenomenon. The intention is not to cover all aspects of this broadly defined agenda which in principle could include practically all issues and problems being studied in the fields of inter- national politics and international relations. The intention is to focus on selected aspects that are particularly relevant from the theoretical perspective applied. At the centre of attention is what provisionally can be identified as global governance, defined empirically and broadly as the institutions and processes that are involved in transborder regula- tion of societal activity and in the provision of global public goods, whether through intergovernmental organizations, patterns of cooper- ation between nation-states, for instance in coalitions of the willing, or 1

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  Globalization

  Theory and Practice Second Edition

  • Eleonore Kofman, Gillian Youngs, Eleonore Kofman, Gillian Youngs(Authors)
  • 2003(Publication Date)
  • Continuum

    (Publisher)

  PARTI Globalization, International Relations and Political Geography This page intentionally left blank CHAPTER 1 International Relations as we Enter the Twenty-first Century GILLIAN YOUNGS Globalization has become the new term for signifying dramatic changes in the nature of international relations in the latter part of the twentieth century and the dawning of the new century. It has become increas-ingly pervasive in the practices of politics, economics and culture as well as in their mediated communications. But are its meanings any clearer now that it has become so commonplace than when the first edition of this collection was published seven years ago (Kofman and Youngs, 1996)? Not necessarily. This chapter investigates how globalization might be considered to have replaced international relations as a description of not only how the world is, but also how we as individuals and collectivities of different kinds understand our place within it, and the diverse communications processes and tools intrinsically linking inner reflexive and communal symbolic aspects to concrete events and developments. Globalization signals a number of things in contrast to international relations. It emphasizes a global rather than a national context. This is not to deny national settings but to indicate that they themselves sit within a larger context, and that a notion of them as bounded separate entities is not necessarily the best conceptual priority for thinking about the world. Globalization also suggests a processual approach to world affairs: that we are dealing with realities in motion on the large scale of the globe. It is more dynamic than international relations, which identifies the relations between the defined entities of states as the key focus for assessing what is happening in the world. Globalization leaves it more open as to which relations, sited where, might be important to any particular social process.

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  The View from Prague

  The Expectations of World Leaders at the Dawn of the 21st Century

  • Jiří Musil, Tomas Vrba, Ji?í Musil, Tomas Vrba, Ji?í Musil, Ji?í Musil, Jiří Musil, Tomáš Vrba, Jiří Musil, Tomáš Vrba(Authors)
  • 2007(Publication Date)
  • Central European University Press

    (Publisher)

  151 Political Globalization That process culminated in about the middle of the 20th century when the system of nation states prevailed throughout the planet. Under this system states have sovereignty over domestic matters and there no sov-ereign authority exists in respect of their mutual relations. International politics is governed by a system of treaties and conventions that cannot be enforced if individual nation states refuse to cooperate. Meanwhile, around the middle of the 20th century, a process was initiated that increasingly calls into question the ability of nation states to tackle supranational problems through international politics . Instead people are beginning to talk in terms of global politics as a response to a whole number of phenomena related to the process of technological, information and economic globalization. Global politics differs from in-ternational politics in that it provides a framework for the creation of forms of global governance and management, which, although based on the nation states, also have a quasi independent existence. A fairly dense network of regional institutions has gradually come into being (which cooperate with each other on a global basis) as well as inter-governmental organizations created by the nation states to operate globally (the UN, the World Bank, the IMF, etc.). Transnational links and flows have thus developed in virtually every field of human activity. If we return to McGrew’s three main schools of thought about the impact of globalization, we can see that for the internationalists, the Westphalian system is still the basic organizational principle of inter-national relations, and there is no need to change it in their view: the nation states can cope with all the challenges of globalization within the framework of that system. Both globalists and transformationalists argue that the Westphalian system can no longer meet those challenges.

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  Introduction to Sociological Theory

  Theorists, Concepts, and their Applicability to the Twenty-First Century

  • Michele Dillon(Author)
  • 2024(Publication Date)
  • Wiley-Blackwell

    (Publisher)

  But sociologists empha- size that market integration is part of a long, though changing, historical–geographical process. This is a process that is neither seamless nor apolitical and is characterized by considerable economic disparities between and within countries/regions. Sociologists further underscore that economic globalization includes and is accompanied by the expanding power of transnational corporations, the exponential growth in and trans- formation of the financial sector, the emergence of global cities, new forms of class composition and stratification, and economic inequality and polarization. GLOBALIZING POLITICAL PROCESSES: THE CHANGING AUTHORITY OF THE NATION-STATE Another major analytical focus of globalization scholars is the role of the nation-state in the new global order. Recall that Max Weber underscored the significance of the state as the embodiment of bureaucratic, rational–legal authority in modern society (see chapter 3). It and its various bureaucracies regulate society, including the economy (see Giddens and Held discussed previously), maintain order and security, and protect state borders. Globalization scholars disagree about the significance and authority of the state in a globalizing society wherein national borders are increasingly less salient. The autonomy of the nation-state to act based on its own interests is curtailed by free trade between countries; transnational political, economic, and cultural alliances (e.g., the European Union [EU]); transnational military alliances (e.g., NATO); and the global flow of Internet and satellite information that is relatively impervious to national boundaries and state control. Additionally, transnational citizenship (e.g., among member states of the EU) and transnational laws and legal forums (e.g., the European Court) further challenge the discrete political, legal, and cultural power of the nation-state.

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  Globalization, 3rd edition

  Theory and Practice

  • Eleonore Kofman, Gillian Youngs(Authors)
  • 2008(Publication Date)
  • Continuum

    (Publisher)

  Too often, globalization is confined to global processes or what POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY AND GLOBALIZATION IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY 21 Sassen (2006:4) calls 'endogeneity trap' which can be explained simply as a tendency towards growing interdependence. Hence we fail to recognise the ways in which the global may be embedded in the national and emerge from transformations within the nation-state. To understand the historical antecedents of the current neoliberal globalization, Sassen (2006: 168-71) suggests we delve into the earlier redistribution of power inside the state, for ex- ample the growing power of the executive in the 1970s and 1980s which manifested itself earliest in the United States and was a consequence of both national and international politics as well as constitutive of those changes. States are also enablers of globalization while national states organise the tension be- tween globalization and other scales in their own ways (for Japan see Yamazaki, 2002) in a continual pursuit of a spatial fix between the abstract moments of global accumulation and concrete material moments (Jessop, 1999). The state, composed of a heterogeneous ensem- ble through which social and political struggles are worked out, itself promotes interna- tionalization, especially by certain dominant factions. Another type of relationship between the local and the global is provided by local political activists, who though embedded in states, participate in and shape global issues and global change. Social movements in particular often work at the margins of political spaces and are able to jump logics and scales (Staeheli, 1994). Rape, for example, which had been a domestic issue, was propelled onto the international scene through the International War Crimes Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and recognised as a weapon of war and a crime against humanity (Hyndman, 2004).

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  Turbulence and New Directions in Global Political Economy

  • J. Busumtwi-Sam, L. Dobuzinskis, J. Busumtwi-Sam, L. Dobuzinskis(Authors)
  • 2002(Publication Date)
  • Palgrave Macmillan

    (Publisher)

  More obvious processes of inter- governmental cooperation, from trade agreements to environmental negotiations, have become inextricably intertwined with domestic politics, while transnational interest groups and advocacy networks have taken causes out of the hands of both domestic politicians and international institutions and confronted international business directly. In this context, the state is neither autonomous nor obsolete per se, but rather has been caught up in a web of new constraints and opportunities and has become the primary terrain of conflict between social forces promoting globalization (or accepting it as inevitable) and those seeking to resist or reassert domestic control over globalization trends. Globalization as Politics 27 Globalization: adaptation or paradigm shift? Over the past 400 years, states have been the structural lynchpin of the modern world order. Nevertheless, significant structural pressures on the state have opened up serious fault lines both within nation-states domestically and in the states system. Probably the most significant variable in recent versions of this debate has been the advent of the so-called Third Industrial Revolution. What is perhaps most important about the Third Industrial Revolution in this context is its transnational character. Key sets of economic agents which in the past have been closely bound up with the territorial nation-state are increasingly experi- menting with new forms of quasi-private regulation of their activities. Government enterprise is being split up, devolved, privatized. In this environment, the notion of the public interest is itself being questioned.

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  Industries and Globalization

  The Political Causality of Difference

  • B. Jullien, A. Smith, B. Jullien, A. Smith(Authors)
  • 2008(Publication Date)
  • Palgrave Macmillan

    (Publisher)

  1 Introduction: Industries, Globalization and Politics Bernard Jullien and Andy Smith Globalization is widely considered to cause many of the major political challenges of our time. Moreover, when defined as a set of processes that embody ‘a transformation in the spatial organization of social rela- tions and transactions, generating transcontinental or inter-regional flows and networks of activity, interaction and power’ (Held et al., 1999: 16), globalization is frequently said to be causing convergence in the way economies are structured and governed. More precisely, as a set of ‘aggregate social consequences’ (Bisley, 2007: 30), globalization is claimed to be driving homogenous and unstoppable swathes of neo-liberal transformations of contemporary economies and polities (Harvey, 2003). Although practitioners, journalists and many academics often find the parsimony of this argument compelling, over the last few years it has come to be challenged for theoretical and empirical reasons. For instance, leading political economists have highlighted the need to abandon conceptualizations of globalization as ‘a process without a subject’ and study instead ‘the insertion of subjects into processes’ which, when analysed together, allow one to identify the phenomenon (Hay and Marsh, 2001: 6). Indeed, empirical research conducted from this perspective particularly underlines just how differently the dynam- ics one might synthesize as ‘globalization’ affect nations, states and sectors of socio-economic activity (Berger, 2006). Such research findings strongly suggest globalization should be conceptualized more as a vec- tor for the renewal of economic, social and political diversity, than as a force causing generalized convergence (Hay, 2006). When one restricts the scope of enquiry to change within specific industries, as we do in this book, what relationship do these pro- cesses of change have with globalization? Can one simply continue 1

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  Globalization and the Distribution of Wealth

  The Latin American Experience, 1982–2008

  • Arie M. Kacowicz(Author)
  • 2013(Publication Date)
  • Cambridge University Press

    (Publisher)

  3 The political dimension of the links between globalization and the distribution of wealth One of the reasons that the debate about poverty and inequality has become a relevant issue in the study of international relations is that there are currently strong claims and counter-claims as to the effects global- ization has had upon the distribution of wealth in economic, social, and political terms. It is becoming more and more evident, both rhetorically and in the actual practice of states and international institutions, that there are relevant and important links between globalization, poverty, and inequality. Yet, the evidence remains ambiguous, and there is an ide- ological debate among the different paradigms of international political economy (and by extension of international relations in general) with respect to the significance of these possible links. For instance, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) recognizes, and even suggests, that countries should link their anti- poverty programmes not only to their national policies, but also to their foreign economic and financial policies, integrated into the world global economy, due to political and moral considerations. Moreover, since the debt crisis of 1982, which heavily affected the Latin American countries, it has become evident, at least in the Latin American context, that there is a direct relationship between external debt, poverty, and increasing inequality within the Latin American countries (see UNDP 2000, 10; see also Dollar and Kraay 2002 and 2004; Glenn 2007, 177; Mills 2009, 1; Nissanke and Thorbecke 2010; and Wade 2004). What remains ambiguous in this debate is the character and direction of these links, ultimately interpreted according to the divergent paradigms of international political economy and the disparate normative (moral) views of international relations, such as the debate between Liberals, Radicals, and Realists (Keating 2008, 4).

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  Globalisation and its Discontents

  • John Wiseman, S. McBride(Authors)
  • 2000(Publication Date)
  • Palgrave Macmillan

    (Publisher)

  Military or police interventions into politics characterize the entire non-industrial world wherever liberal democratic politics has promised to make a sig- nificant difference for the non-owners of the means of production or challenged the rights of corporate ownership. By limiting the influence of politics over the economic, the process of globalization presses national governments in the direction of the minimal state, an agency structured merely to frame economic rela- tions and defend rule of law. In this shift, the political rights of the citizen begin to lose meaning. At the founding of the nation state, 18 What is Globalization? citizenship was generally conditional on property qualifications; then it evolved in the direction of universal political right and social citizen- ship, principles that exclude property considerations. Now, however, citizenship is gradually being redefined in the shape of property mod- els; the link to society becomes not by political right but by 'stake' (i.e., according to amount and kind of wealth possessed). In effect, globalization brings into the open the contradiction between the principles and practice of the so-called market and that of liberal democracy. These two modes of resource allocation in society, the economic and the political, are in principle contradictory despite their uneasy co-existence. The economic pre-eminence that comes with globalization overshadows the political allocation of social 'goods', and neutralizes the political expression of a citizenry. Securing the economic unit Once the customs union had defined an integral market over a certain territory, it became an economic necessity for capital to secure these borders, and indeed expand them to include other territory, especially where still defined by pre-capitalist relations.

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  The Politics of Change

  Globalization, Ideology and Critique

  • W. Bonefeld, K. Psychopedis, W. Bonefeld, K. Psychopedis(Authors)
  • 2000(Publication Date)
  • Palgrave Macmillan

    (Publisher)

  Above all, ‘global- ization’ signalled the demise of that great modernist symbol of totalizing power: the nation state. There is of course no uncontested definition of ‘globalization’. Higgott (1997, p. 6) offers an example of the eclectic international political economy (IPE) orthodoxy arguing that globalization represents: ‘(a) the emergence of a set of sequences and processes that are unhindered by territorial or jurisdictional barriers and that indeed enhance the spread of trans-border practices in economic, political and social domains, and (b) a discourse of political knowledge offering one view of how to make the post-modern world manageable.’ Implicit in such a view is the idea that economic interdependence, and the ‘power’ of financial markets in particular, has changed the course of modern capitalism resulting in new structures of global governance. The principal responses to the globalization thesis have been to assert either the call of Ecclesiastes that ‘nothing much has changed’ (there are no new things under the sun) or proclaim that ‘all is new’ (and presumably ‘history is bunk’). While sceptics and realists line up to dismiss globalist claims and reassert the ‘power’ of the state (Hirst and Thompson, 1996; Waltz, 1979), liberals and post-modernists point to the retreat and even disappearance of the state as the principal form of political authority (Ohmae, 1995). In contrast to the often quite sterile debate produced by this realist/liberal encounter, this chapter suggests that a return to classical Marxist ideas on the relation between class, capital and state in a global context offers a more productive approach for mapping recent industrial, political and economic change.

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  Peace Through Law

  Reflections on Pacem in Terris from Philosophy, Law, Theology and Political Science

  • Heinz-Gerhard Justenhoven, Mary O'Connell, Heinz-Gerhard Justenhoven, Mary O'Connell(Authors)
  • 2016(Publication Date)
  • Aschendorff

    (Publisher)

  An example of their activity is the important role they play in the UN system where they actively participate in political deliber -ation processes, e.g. if new strategies for sustainable development are set up. Secondly, the number of transnational co-operations increased dramat-ically. Both through their economic activity all around the world and their political commitment in different institutions, their influence became ever more important in global governance processes. Thirdly, different cultural actors such as world religions, 15 but also sports organisations are part of this proliferation. From the perspective of global governance, one central problem is that traditional political theories are not able to describe this proliferation of global actors in a satisfying way. With their (liberal) focus on the nation state and its sovereignty, they have a blind spot when it comes to different actors of civil society or socio-cultural actors (e.g. religions). This is what motivated Rosenau to establish a new theoretical category in the study of global governance, namely his ‘spheres of authority’. As Rosenau argues, “[this] disaggregation of power into myriad spheres of authority (SOA) is the central tendency in world affairs.” 16 This category allows for a better understanding of the proliferation of global actors as parts of complex and dynamic global networks. “[The] new [global governance] ontology requires us to focus on those political actors, structures, processes, and institutions that initiate, sustain, or respond to globalizing forces as they propel boundary-spanning activities and foster boundary-contracting reactions.“ 17 In the centre of global spheres, we still find actors understood in a traditional way (e.g. a person, an organisation or an institution). The main characteristic of these actors is that they are able to exert authority in global issues and that this authority is accepted by others.

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