Amidst any number of intensely felt preoccupations â the proper uses of poetry, the character of the true poet, the beauty of traditional forms and the felt imperative to innovate, or indeed to renovate â the Milton we meet in his debut collection is concerned perhaps above all with time. Themes of unreadiness and delay animate some of the 1645 volumeâs most affecting verses. âHow soon hath Time the suttle theef of youth, / Stoln on his wing my three and twentith yeer!â, begins Miltonâs famous seventh sonnet: âMy hasting dayes flie on with full career, / But my late spring no bud or blossom shewâthâ (lines 1â4). Much of the power of Lycidas derives from the angst awoken in Milton by the death of Edward King âere his primeâ (line 8), out of season and before his youthful promise could bear mature fruit â an especially anxious prospect for the twenty-nine-year-old poet, still living under his fatherâs roof. Moreover, this sense of belatedness not only provides a potent topos for Milton, it informs his strategies of self-presentation throughout the book.1 Indeed, this poet can hardly wait to disperse his writing into the past, indicating in the very title of the Nativity Ode that it was âComposâd 1629â, while Miltonâs pair of psalmic paraphrases are said to have been âdon by the Author at fifteen yeers oldâ (p. 14). Where the aborted poem on the Passion trails off, Milton tells of finding the subject âto be above the yeers he had, when he wrote itâ (p. 19). Such intimations of precocity no doubt compensate for Miltonâs disquiet over the untimely development of his great project of writing a national epic, something he had begun to contemplate as early as his Cambridge days. Other textual additions, like the headnote to Lycidas, endow the poet with the gift of prophecy, and illuminate a latent teleology of the self â that of the âreformist poetic bardâ â over against other possible selves glimpsed within the Poems of Mr. John Milton, Both English and Latin, Composâd at several Times.2
To the theme of chance arrival we shall return, but not before absorbing something of Miltonâs anxiousness into the work of criticism it here occasions: for it has already been twenty years since Barbara Lewalski declared the moment ripe for ârevising the revisionistsâ, in an essay confidently reaffirming that âfrom the outset [Milton] began to construct himself as a new kind of author, one who commands all the resources of learning and art but links them to radical politics, reformist poetics, and the inherently revolutionary power of prophecyâ.3 In ârevising revisionismâ, Lewalski hoped to counter representations, especially of the young Milton, as âinconsistent and even something of a Cavalier, given that at times he used genres, imagery, publication modes, and stances associated with the court, the Laudian church, the Cavalier poets, and even with Roman Catholicismâ. Since then, however, further challenges to the orthodox view of Milton have proliferated under the influence of developments in Stuart historiography and of the ânew Milton criticismâ. Perhaps most polemically, Peter Herman has taken issue with protocols that require the critic (as he sees it) to make Milton and above all Paradise Lost cohere, insisting by contrast that the failure of the English revolution prompted Milton to engage âin a wholesale questioning of just about everything he had argued for in his earlier prose works, and he does not come to a conclusionâ (his emphasis).4 Thus âit is out of the turmoil of not knowing what to affirmâ, Herman contends, âthat Milton creates some of his finest poetryâ.5
As more than one commentator has noted, however, Hermanâs âargument for the poetâs deliberate cultivation of a âpoetics of incertitudeâ might also be construed at times to argue for a new, almost monolithic, Miltonic absoluteâ, merely inverting the regime of âunqualified certaintyâ Herman so strenuously controverts.6 There is a similar single-mindedness to Catherine Gimelli Martinâs re-examination of Milton âin light of the new historiography of the English civil warsâ: despite being framed along Revisionist lines, the story she tells in Milton among the Puritans (2010) is perfectly orthodox in its celebration of a Milton who is âradically reformistâ in his attitudes toward politics, education, and science.7 Here Gordon Campbell and Thomas Corns seem more even-handed guides, no less deeply read in the historiography and willing to show us a Milton who is âflawed, self-contradictory, self-serving, arrogant, passionate, ruthless, ambitious, and cunningâ, as well as one of âthe most accomplished writers of the Caroline period, the most eloquent polemicist of the mid-century, and the author of the finest and most influential narrative poem in Englishâ.8 But theirs is nonetheless âa heroâs lifeâ, and on the horizon of their biography, much though Campbell and Corns eschew an Athena-like birth, looms Milton the radical poet-prophet, the stages of whose development âare the spine that runs through our studyâ.9
Neither biography nor yet another fine-tuned recalibration of Miltonâs politics, this chapter is concerned rather with the process of history itself, insofar as such processes are represented in Miltonâs poetry, and as Miltonâs poetry figures in traditional historical narratives.10 My approach is guided by a pair of responses to Milton, one from the early nineteenth century, the other from the turn of the twenty-first, and in no little part by the unlikely chance of their convergence. Writing for the London Magazine in October 1820, Charles Lamb recounts with mock-horror the day he was shown the original copy of Lycidas in Miltonâs poetical notebook, whereupon the monumentality, the historical given-ness of Miltonâs achievement seemed to shatter into a thousand lived contingencies: âHow it staggered me to see the fine things in their ore!â, Lamb exclaims, âinterlined! corrected! as if their words were mortal, alterable, displaceable at pleasure! as if they might have been otherwise, and just as good! as if inspirations were made up of parts, and those fluctuating, successive, indifferent!â11 Without giving any sign that he is thinking of Lamb, Jonathan Goldbergâs superb essay of 1990, âDating Miltonâ, rather more deliberately proposes a like decomposition of the poet. Instructively reading scenes of autobiography in Miltonâs writing with a lively suspicion of the self-presence of the moment, Goldberg would trouble narratives which imagine âa Milton who was always the same, always himselfâ, offering in their place âone that refuses self-sameness either to âMiltonâ or to the supposed regularities of temporal progressionâ, resolutely open âto chance, contingency, and revisionâ.12 âYet by chanceâ, Goldberg later explains, âI do not mean to reduce history to mere randomness. It is Miltonâs chance I am talking about, the chance delivery of the retrospectively recognizable Miltonic âI,â the chance, in short, that lets itself be called Miltonâs chance; a story that only retrospectively, if then, could be called a storyâ.13
My focus in the following chapter is thus the problematic of becoming at the heart of Miltonâs 1645 Poems. Students of Lycidas have long remarked the notorious device whereby âout of nowhere a third-person voice announces that the poem has, apparently all along, been sung by the âuncouth swainâ (186)â, and so appears to transcend its uncertain beginning: âAt last he rose, and twitchâd his Mantle blew: / To morrow to fresh Woods, and Pastures newâ (lines 192â3).14 In republishing Lycidas, Milton also expressly links the poem to the fall of Laud and the regeneration of the English Church: âAnd by occasion fortels the ruine of our corrupted Clergy then in their heightâ (p. 50). But if notes of apocalyptic and rebirth sound throughout the volume â epitomised in the rout of the pagan gods, the supersession of Apollo by some âgreater Sunâ â the staging and re-staging of this theme ultimately folds millenarian rupture back into the fabric of secular time, in which, as Goldberg argues in a more recent essay, âthe meaning of time remains provisional; we await a promised end that has never comeâ.15 The poems Milton collected and published in 1645 thus bear witness, as I read them, to the indeterminate matrix of messianic time â the time between the birth of Christ and the Second Coming â and to the fluctuating, successive, indifferent progress of grace, both in Milton and in Miltonâs England. In uncovering this temporal and thematic paradigm, it is the aim of this chapter to unfetter Milton from historyâs telos, forgetting the historical discourses in and through which we have come to recognise Milton as himself, those stories that, only retrospectively, can be called a story.
No apocalypse, not now
It is of course the great Nativity Ode that opens Miltonâs Poems, in 1645 and in the second edition of 1673, and much has been made of its primacy as âprologue to the rising poetâs achievementâ.16 The care Milton has taken in dating its composition, together with the occasional nature of the poem itself, have perhaps led inevitably to the Odeâs being read in terms of a âsingle and determinate moment of compositionâ and âfor the presumed presence of Milton writing at that very momentâ, as Goldberg puts it.17 In his recent discussion of the Ode, for instance, Gordon Teskey sets the scene of the poemâs writing on the upper floor of Miltonâs family house, on Bread Street, near St Paulâs Cathedral. It is 25 December 1629. âAt that hour, and on that particular morningâ, Teskey avers, âthere would have been very few lights and very few sounds ⌠the stars would have been visible and bright, especially from the hillâ. Indeed, so powerful is the criticâs sense of Miltonâs presence, he actually enters the scene of writing himself, assuming a perspective over the poetâs shoulder: âHe was waiting for dawnâ, Teskey writes, âwhich seemed, as it always does when we are watching for it, to hesitate before it arrives. The stars seemed reluctant to leave and the first light of dawn hadnât touched the horizon to the east or the dark overhead. Perhaps he began at the beginning, and said to himself, âThis is the month, and this the happy mornââ.18
Notwithstanding the evocative intensity of the prose, what seems most arresting here is the critical erasure of any trace of historical mediation: perhaps half recalling the proem to Book IX of Paradise Lost, where Milton tells of his museâs ânightly visitation[s]ââ, inspiring âEasie my unpremeditated Verseâ (lines 21â4), Teskey pictures the composition of the Nativity Ode as a moment of pure immanence, and moreover his reading holds out the possibility of witnessing the âpoetic birthâ as it happens, an untrammelled act of recognition.19 ...