1
INTRODUCTION
I have experienced many spellbinding moments at Bob Dylanās concerts, but one stands out: Bournemouth, 1 October 1997. Dylanās new album, Time Out Of Mind, had been released at the start of the week and many of us congregating on the front few rows were hoping to hear some songs from it. All through the main set, however, there was nothing new and by its end I had resigned myself to the fact that the new songs would have to wait, consoled that it had been a very good show regardless. Then, as he returned for the encores, the opening bars of āLove Sickā creaked through the air, and Dylan stepped up to the mike and began the song. The moment was electric. The reason I remember it so clearly, however, is not just the excitement of hearing a live debut but, rather, a realisation I had during it. Towards the end of the song, Dylan sang:
Iām sick of love, I wish Iād never met you
Iām sick of love, Iām trying to forget you
I felt at that moment that Dylan was singing directly to us, the audience in front of him. That āyouā for which he expressed so much contempt was actually us. The love he was so sick of was that given to him by the thousands of fans around the world. There is a sting in this tale, though, for in the songās ļ¬nal lines, the singer himself capitulates:
Just donāt know what to do
Iād give anything to be with you
Whether or not Iām right in this reading of āLove Sickā, it is certainly true that Dylanās relationship with his audience has always been marked by this kind of ambivalence. Around the same time as the Bournemouth show, he said in an interview that:
A lot of people donāt like the road but itās as natural to me as breathing. I do it because Iām driven to do it, and I either hate it or love it. Iām mortiļ¬ed to be on the stage but, then again, itās the only place where Iām happy. Itās the only place you can be who you want to be. You canāt be who you want to be in daily life. (Jon Pareles interview, 1997)
This ambivalence has been a deļ¬ning feature of Dylanās career since he emerged as a star in 1962. Since then he has been involved in what at times seems like a constant battle with fans and media over what he should perform, how he should relate to others, how he should act, and more. Such ambivalence inhabits his songs:
People see me all the time, and they just canāt remember how to act
Their minds are ļ¬lled with big ideas, images and distorted facts
(āIdiot Windā)
In short, Dylan has been in a battle about what the concept āBob Dylanā means. This book is about that battle. It is not, however, a biography detailing a poor, misunderstood singer harassed from all sides, constantly misinterpreted by the media. It is instead a sociological account of Dylanās stardom. Dylan is a singer, a songwriter, a live performer, but, more than anything else, Dylan is a star. His stardom is an essential feature of his existence. It is the lens through which everything in his life is understood, not just his creative achievements but inherently personal things like fatherhood and divorce. Because Dylan is a star, his life has public meaning. This means that what āBob Dylanā stands for is open to social determination and not under the control of Dylan himself.
This project differs from existing work on Dylan in that it seeks to present a sociological account of his stardom rather than either a biography or a textual analysis of his lyrics (though both of these provide material for a sociological analysis). Conventional biographies take a āsubjectivistā approach to their topic, concentrating on the life of the star by looking solely at biographical detail. Such an approach tends to portray the starās stardom as a series of discrete, visible, relationships (such as that between star and record label). These relationships are used to construct a coherent story of a life that is, to a greater or lesser extent, orchestrated by the star. This is problematic in a number of ways. Most signiļ¬cantly, it places too much power in the hands of the star ā the starās career is seen as the result of decisions and actions taken by the star or her representatives. This is understandable because it tends to be how we view everyday life too ā we see ourselves as the āauthorā of our own lives. However, we are not the authors of our own lives, at least not totally. The chances of obtaining a high level of education, or good health, or a living wage, depend on a variety of factors such as class, race, nationality and gender which are beyond our control. Similarly, even though stars may be extremely powerful agents, what a particular star means or achieves depends on factors outside of their control, and may well happen ābehind their backā (including those just mentioned: think of the ten āgreatestā rock stars, and count how many of them are black and/or female). To take an obvious example, how a particular star is portrayed and understood depends on a relationship between media and audiences that is completely independent of the starās control. This is a clearly observable phenomenon, but there are less observable factors too: how does Dylanās stardom relate to the rise of consumerism, for example? Whatever we may like to think, Dylan is not famous just because of the quality of his work. Wider social factors have enabled his stardom to develop in certain ways and closed off other possibilities. In this way, he is no different from any other star.
This leads me to the second weakness of the subjectivist approach: it presumes that the starās success is the direct result of skill or charisma. This is not true. Neither of these is a necessary or sufļ¬cient condition of stardom. Many untalented people become stars, while many charismatic people do not. It is not inevitable that Dylan would be a success because he was talented; it was not inevitable that he would have such a long career in popular music. Charisma is not a natural trait, it is a social effect. This is not to imply that stars are not viewed as charismatic ā some obviously are, and this is important ā but a range of social conditions must be in place that enable an individualās talents and personality to become recognised as skilful and charismatic. Concepts such as ārevolutionaryā, āgroundbreakingā, āskillā and ācharismaā are socially organised, deļ¬ned and valued differently in different times and places. We need, therefore, to investigate the social circumstances in which Dylan emerged and has continued to exist as a star.
An overall criticism of the biographical approach would be to say that it seeks an explanation for the stardom of an individual solely within the life story of that individual. However, I think it is more effective to follow Pierre Bourdieuās suggestion: āWe must . . . ask, not how a writer comes to be what he is . . . but rather how the position or āpostā he occupies ā that of a writer of a particular type ā became constituted.ā1 Too often, biographies show an unwillingness to investigate important contextual factors, or to consider the similarities between their particular star and other stars. This conformity is also something that fans rarely consider. A star is assumed to be unique. Yet, actually, the life stories of stars share many things in common. Consider the following:
For the essence of his art has always derived from the tension between his impulse to truth and his instinct to hide.2
This will surely ring true to Dylan fans; it could have been pulled from any Dylan biography. It is, however, from Richard Schickelās description of Marlon Brando and I could ļ¬nd similar quotes in biographies of Robbie Williams, Kurt Cobain and hundreds of others. Despite the emphasis on uniqueness, starsā stories are never unique. Complaints about misrepresentation, invasion of privacy, and conļ¬icts with management are features of most starsā lives. Stardom is something more than just the life stories of a bunch of famous people and this means that we need to consider stardom as a system, one with distinctive characteristics and effects. To do so gives us a much richer understanding of the star in question.
Dylan fans may have noticed that I havenāt talked much about Dylan yet. This is out of necessity, as this chapter outlines the theoretical map for how Iāll discuss Dylan later. At this juncture, it is probably useful to clarify some of the concepts Iām bandying about. You may think it odd to be considering Bob Dylan in a book series called āCelebritiesā because you donāt consider Dylan to be a celebrity. In contemporary culture, ācelebrityā often refers to people such as reality TV participants, quickly popular and quickly forgotten. Dylan, on the other hand, has had a career of over forty-ļ¬ve years and, you may reasonably think, deserves his success because of the work he has produced. That is why I have concentrated on Dylanās stardom rather than celebrity. Evans suggests that āstarā is often used to describe an individual famous for their achievements in a particular ļ¬eld,3 so we tend to talk of āļ¬lm starsā and āpop starsā rather than āļ¬lm celebritiesā or āpop celebritiesā. To this I would add that a star is someone who produces a body of work that has some existence outside of the individual celebrityās person (unlike, say, a reality TV participant). Dylan is thus a star rather than a celebrity in the conventional sense. His public existence shares things in common with celebrities but there are distinctive elements too, characteristic of a certain type of celebrity ā stardom.
Dylan is not just a star, however, but a particular kind of star ā a rock star. The ļ¬rst sustained academic work into famous media ļ¬gures concentrated on ļ¬lm stars. This is mainly the result of ļ¬lm emerging as the ļ¬rst audio-visual mass media with an established āstar-systemā. It is surprising, however, given their signiļ¬cance over the last ļ¬fty years, that so little subsequent work has been conducted on popular music stars. Only one or two books have dealt with the speciļ¬c phenomenon of popular music stardom, so while the literature on stardom is useful for this study, there are particularities of popular music that need to be considered. Popular music stars seem to me to fall somewhere in between ļ¬lm stars and television personalities (such as Michael Parkinson and David Letterman). Unlike ļ¬lm stars, TV personalities are generally assumed to be ābeing themselvesā on screen (Turner suggests that, for this reason, TV personalities are more characteristic of modern celebrity than ļ¬lm stars).4 This is useful for considering rock stars because they too are often assumed to be ābeing themselvesā rather than playing a speciļ¬c character ā this is the subject of the next chapter.
There is one ļ¬nal distinction I would like to make here, between āstardomā and āstar-imageā, as I am using them to mean slightly different things. Star-image is relatively straightforward: it refers to all of the speciļ¬c things we know or think we know about a particular star. The star-image is the āwhat isā of a star. This does not necessarily mean the actual āthis is what really happenedā biography of the star, because it can include inaccuracies, urban legends, malicious lies, images and distorted facts. A starās star-image refers to everything ā true and false ā that is publicly known about that speciļ¬c star. In this way, the star-image is similar to how Stephen Scobie deļ¬nes Bob Dylan as āa text ā made up of all the formal biographies, newspaper stories, internet statistics and just plain gossip that has entered into public circulationā.5 The star-image is thus an observable phenomenon which can be uncovered through empirical research (Clinton Heylinās work, for example, adds to Dylanās star-image by increasing the amount of biographical information we know).
While āstar-imageā concerns the empirical, veriļ¬able, onthe-ground elements of a particular star, āstardomā is less easily recognised as it exists mainly at an ideological level.* With its intrinsic relationship to ideas such as individualism, meritocracy, democracy and personality, stardom plays a signiļ¬cant role in reproducing the ideological structures of contemporary society. The fact that ideology is taken for granted, and the fact that it is not immediately visible to us makes it more problematic for studying it in relation to a particular star. Whereas āstar-imageā is all about the individual star, stardom is (in one sense) not āaboutā the star at all. It is, however, impossible to fully understand the star without understanding the ideology of stardom. Dylanās star-image is structured (enabled and constrained) by his stardom, by the ideological elements of stardom more generally. We need an understanding of stardomās ideology in order to understand how Dylanās career has turned out as it has.
In order to gain a deeper understanding of Bob Dylan, we therefore need to draw on the insights of the literature on both stardom and celebrity, as well as the wider literature on popular music. I do not intend to provide an exhaustive overview of this work here, but I do want to emphasise the key elements as it provides the intellectual framework for the rest of this book. The following points are generally applicable to both stardom and celebrity, but they explain the overall system rather than describing speciļ¬c individuals. To be a star, or a celebrity, it is not necessary to tick all of these boxes (some stars do, but itās not an entrance requirement), but most stars will cover most of these points, which reļ¬ect the most important characteristics of celebrity and stardom in general.
Stardom is an inherently modern phenomenon Although āfameā existed in pre-modern times, this was mainly associated with either royalty or as posthumous recognition for great achievements. The contemporary ideas of celebrity are a product of mass society and the emergence of a leisure culture since the eighteenth century, the result of deep-rooted ideological factors and technological advancement that accelerated in the twentieth century. The key characteristic of modern celebrity is what Schickel refers to as the āillusion of intimacyā,6 the idea that we āreally knowā those who are famous, even though we have (in the main) never met them.
Stardom fulļ¬ls ideological functions As a modern phenomenon, stardom is intricately bound up with two key ideological pillars of modern society: individualism and democracy. Stars are the ultimate individuals who supposedly become famous because of their unique individuality (their āpersonalityā, a word which gains its modern meaning from stardom). At the same time, however, they also highlight the meritocracy of modern society because fame is no longer dependent upon being born into the right family. Anyone can be a star if they work hard enough, are talented enough, or lucky enough.
Stardom fulļ¬ls industrial functions Rojek describes modern celebrity as a marriage of democracy and capitalism.7 One of the reasons that stardom exists is that it provides a means to transform unique personalities into commodities. In all of the media industries, stardom plays a crucial role in their organisational structure as they help control the inherent instability of media markets. Failure rates in media industries are high ā around 90 per cent of released records fail to make a proļ¬t ā and creating stars is one way in which the industries can create a guaranteed audience. Iāll buy Bob Dylanās next album without knowing what it sounds like because I am a fan. The central activity of a record label is not making records, but creating stars.8
Stars have a representative function By their very existence, stars always represent the ideals of individualism and democracy, but stars also tend to stand for, or symbolise, something more. It could be that they represent a cultural stereotype ā the tortured artist starving in a garret, for example ā and therefore serve to reinforce that stereotype. But a star could also represent something more tangible, like Black Power, or a particular geographical region, such as Liverpool. But in all cases, a star āalways represents something more than him- or herselfā.9
Stars unite subjectivities Because of their representative function, stars bring people together ā sometimes literally (for example, Martin Luther King), more often emotionally, uniting people through belonging to a particular group, a particular audience. Some writers see this as a positive thing (for example: Rojek suggests that Sinatra āarticulate[d] a basis for identiļ¬cation and recognition [that is] the basis for developing collective consciousnessā).10 Others see it as potentially dangerous, with Marshall suggesting that āthe emergence of the celebrity is connected to . . . the strategies employed by various institutions to contain the threat and irrationality of the mass [audience]ā.11
These issues will receive further elaboration during the course of this book.
Recognising the systemic nature of stardom raises questions over the best way to study it. The biographical approach may pay inadequate attention to sociological factors, but we must be attuned to the individual circumstances as well. Stardom is not just structural, it is also the result of actions by individuals and social groups.12 It does matter what individuals do. Social structures such as meritocracy and consumerism do not just reproduce themselves but are reproduced through the actions of individuals and groups. We therefore need to consider how stardom is reproduced ...