The objective of this short book is to spark your deviant imagination in the way that University of Kent Professor Steve Box sparked mine. Let's start by reflecting on my own working-class South London life, which was vibrant with deviant insights resulting from street life and its characters, bad-ass reputations, and damaged “sicko” identities. These were not only barriers that had nearly stopped me from going to university but nuggets of social life through which I would earn a doctorate in deviant behavior! What an astounding revelation to a twenty-year-old from a council flat (in the United States, this is equivalent to “the projects”) who hadn't even believed it possible to get a bachelor's degree, and who had so disappointed his father for abandoning that £5-a-week ($6.60) apprenticeship (equivalent to $50 a week in 2017) with Decca in favor of unproductive “book learning.” Of course, at the time, I had no idea these were valuable experiences. To me they were bad experiences – things to bury, cover up and deny. It took Steve Box to awaken my deviant imagination to the mother lode of riches I had buried and which many other students had not. To me they were embarrassing – a lifestyle I was trying to escape by going to college, and a cluster of nightmares that cast doubt on whether I was simply a college fraud, to be revealed when my delinquent past came out.
Steve was not an easy professor to know. But you couldn't be around him without being charged with questions about why things were the way they seemed. Despite his own academic success, this fellow working-class Londoner never lost sight of his working-class roots. But where we start isn't where we must end. As a working-class South London friend once commented: “Back when I knew you, Stuart, you didn't have two words to rub together!” Where I come from, that would be a compliment, wrapped in envy with a ribbon of resentment.
Let's now take a journey in the daily life of contemporary American student Megan Nesbeth as she becomes aware of deviance in the world around her through taking a sociology class. She says that, after taking sociology, “everything, even ‘mundane shit,' calls for analysis.” I agree. She entitles the piece “To be average is to be deviant”:
To study deviance is to study uncertainty. Students of deviance are looking at society's edge. That is the edge beyond social order. Deviance here is defined as disorder – not normal, not acceptable. Whose edge or what edge, whose order and whose disorder, and why it is even an edge of order and disorder – all are uncertainties to be discovered by students of deviance. Deviance encompasses a wide range of behaviors, demeanors, identities, appearances, styles, attitudes, and beliefs. This is because what's deviant varies between individuals, societies, cultures, social contexts, and historical eras. Views differ on how deviant actors and judgmental audiences interact and interrelate. For example, Tenashia might find drinking to excess unacceptable, whereas Jonathan might not. He may act differently around her to avoid any sort of sanction of his actions, but he also may keep his own opinions and beliefs to himself. He is also now, as Megan noted in her blog diary, keeping secrets, and that could be seen as deviant too. If Tenashia were twenty-one and Jonathan eighteen, she might be concerned that his behavior would get her into trouble, as he would be under the legal drinking age in the United States. In England, not so, because the legal drinking age is eighteen and drinking to excess by older teens and young adults is a norm. Indeed, in Britain, Tenashia might be the deviant for believing excessive drinking is a problem, and she might keep her views secret for fear of being labeled “prudish.” Notice too that, even in the USA, some contexts accommodate excessive drinking while others do not, and that's not just frat parties. “Dr. Henry, why is the university having graduation on Mother's Day? We would normally get ‘smashed' but our mothers will be here! That sucks!”
At its simplest, the sociology of deviance is the systematic study of social norm violation that is subject to social control and sanction. Sanctions can involve reproach, shaming, social exclusion, or some other depravation or infliction of pain. They can be as minimal as a “look” of the kind Megan got at lunch from fellow students questioning why she was only having a salad, to being excommunicated by a church or other religious group, to more formal punishments administered by the state, from prison to the death penalty.
The study of social sanctions is called the study of “social control” (see Chriss, 2013). “Behind this seemingly simple and clear-cut definition [of deviance,] however, lurks a swarming host of controversies” (Adler and Adler, 2006: 3). In part, this is because the study of deviance, and for that matter social control, is also the study of the politics of social life on the edge. In this political conflict, we find two clearly identifiable positions. One of these is known variously as the “relativist” or “social constructionist” position and the other as the “absolutist,” “positivist,” or “realist” position. From the relativist/constructivist perspective, deviance is “lodged in the eye of the beholder rather than in the act itself, and it may vary in the way it is defined by time and place.” This perspective “sees deviance as ‘subjectively problematic,' … and takes as its primary task an understanding of how judgments of deviance are put together and with what consequences” (Goode, 2007: 1075). Put simply, the relativist expects everyone to have their own take on each action, their own opinion or view.
At the opposite extreme, the absolutist-realist perspective sees deviance as possessing predetermined or universal features such that something obvious within an act, belief, or condition “makes it different from the norm,” and that “it embodies the unambiguous, objective ‘essence' of true or real deviance” (Goode, 2007: 1075). Thus, the realist believes that people have the same core beliefs and values, tied to truth, nature, or God. For Goode, absolutists have relied upon theories that “regard deviance as ‘objectively given,' that is, a syndrome-like entity with … clear-cut, identifiable properties,” where causes can be analyzed by social scientists (ibid.: 1075–6). In contrast, the sociological definition of deviance used in this book embodies aspects of both these positions but is closer to the social constructionists than to the absolutist-realists.
In this book, you will learn about the social processes and the political practices of the actors and audiences that constitute the deviance enterprise or deviance process. On the way you'll discover the excitement, fun, creativity, and chaos, as well as the pain, shame, and suffering, that accompany the world of deviance as it straddles the edge of socially defined normality. You may even glimpse Megan's insight that “purposeful deviance is an assertion of agency” that enriches the individual. We hope that you will also develop an appreciation, if not always sympathy, for the “deviant imagination.”
Normality, difference, and deviance
As sociologists have long pointed out, something is deviant only in relation to what is normal. But what is normal and who gets to decide? Normality implies a common set of shared cultural values and rules or norms about how to behave, appear, or think. Behaving differently, looking differently, and thinking differently can all be considered social deviance when in violation of social norms and values. For example, everyone eats, so eating is normal behavior, right? But what if some people eat only vegetarian food? Is that deviant? What if they are grossly underweight and they eat only small portions of a vegetable diet, so they appear unhealthily thin? Is that deviant behavior and deviant appearance?
As well as differences in behavior, deviance can include having and/or displaying certain physical attributes that others consider deviant, such as stuttering or being excessively short, physically disfigured, fat, or thin. Anorexics, for example, can be considered deviant. Are they deviant in appearance but not behavior, and do we explain that by saying they have a fast metabolism? What if they are bulimic such that they eat normally but forcibly throw up in the bathroom after meals? Is that deviant because of their behavior but not their appearance? Is their appearance deceptive because it covers their deviant, and perhaps secret, behavior?
Social deviance includes everything from minor norm- or rule-violating behavior to behavior that breaks criminal or other laws designed to ban o...