Social Problems in the UK

An Introduction

Stuart Isaacs

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2014
• Print ISBN: 9780415719995, 9780415719971
• eBook ISBN: 9781317963066
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Sociology
• Index: Social Sciences

Social Problems in the UK: An Introduction is the first textbook on contemporary social issues to contextualise social problems within the disciplines of sociology, social policy, criminology and applied social science. Drawing on the research and teaching experience of academics in these areas, this much-needed textbook brings together a comprehensive range of expertise. Social Problems in the UK discusses the strengthening and changing character of social construction, providing a new and invigorated way of studying the issues for all social science students. This clear, accessible textbook guides students in approaching the methodology, theory and research of social problems, and introduces the key topics in the area:

• migration and 'race'
• work and unemployment
• poverty
• drugs, violence and policing
• youth, sub-culture and gangs
• childhood and education

Social Problems in the UK provides a number of helpful pedagogical features for ease of teaching and learning, including: case studies; links to data sources; textboxes highlighting examples, key figures etc.; study questions, and tips on how to undertake literature reviews and use journals and databases.

chapter 1

Introduction

‘Social problems, no thanks!’ Ten years ago, this was the response of most academics to the idea that we could usefully investigate UK society through the lens of social problems. Although this way of investigating the social was common in the US, in Britain approaching society as a ‘problem’ was taken as wrongly implying that all social issues could be ‘solved’. It was also argued that this point of view was a negative and simplistic way of examining complex social institutions, structures and circumstances. Fast-forward ten years, and now most social science departments in the UK have some sort of Social Problems module on their first-year undergraduate courses.

So, why the change?

Well, there are a number of reasons, but the first has to be that it came to be seen that a social problems perspective was a lot more useful and sophisticated than was initially thought. This change was in no small part due to the publication of a social policy textbook produced by academics at London Metropolitan University (then the University of North London). In May et al. (2001), Understanding Social Problems: Issues in Social Policy, a way of studying social problems was set out that avoided the trap of treating society as one big pathological problem that could be remedied. In particular, the framework of social construction was used to study social issues in an appropriate methodological manner. This also satisfied a second concern of those who were sceptical about a social problems perspective, namely that it individualised social issues, moving away from a critique about broader social inequalities and social justice. In fact the approach used by May et al. illustrated that, far from looking at social problems merely in terms of discrete social groups, intensely political and ideological arguments could be presented. A social problems perspective enabled both academics and students to articulate strong positions relating to fundamental social values without undermining the academic rigour of investigating a range of issues.

Social Problems in the UK: An Introduction builds upon the platform laid by our former colleagues at London Metropolitan University at the beginning of this century, but with one big change. A social problems perspective is now no longer associated only with social policy. Throughout the UK social problems is taught on sociology, social policy, criminology and applied social science degree courses. This textbook is the first on contemporary social issues to situate social problems within all of these subject areas. Drawing from the research and teaching experience of academics in these areas, this textbook brings together a comprehensive range of expertise to guide students and to aid lecturers in their teaching.

The central aim of our text, then, is to contextualise contemporary social problems in the broader social sciences, using the methodology of social construction. At the same time a key motivation for this book is to bring teaching to the page. That is, to be an accessible study aid to students that introduces them to applying a methodological perspective to familiar issues. You will find within these pages a great deal of pedagogic content. Rather than relating reams of quantitative material in relation to each of the social problems, further readings are used to direct the student to sources that will help them keep up to date. Examples that relate to classic works in the field, important historical moments, key figures and key concepts are also highlighted in text boxes. At the end of each chapter there are revision notes, coursework questions, seminar tasks and further readings. All this draws from over a decade of teaching social problems. At the heart of this teaching has been the desire to lead students from a ‘common sense’ experienced-based way of thinking, to a more critically engaged approach that relies upon social research and social theory.

In Chapter 2 the book opens with a general methodological and theoretical chapter on understanding and defining social problems. This chapter introduces students to the ‘common sense’ view, the social construction approach and related sociological theories. Practical examples are given whenever possible. This is an on-going feature of the book, to tie theory and practice in order to guide students towards the applied character of this type of study. The overall purpose of this chapter on definitions and approaches is to try to convey to the student the importance of using methodological and theoretical tools, rather than the over-elaborate explanation and evaluation of such tools.

Chapter 3 is of critical importance to the pedagogic aims of this book. Foley has been working as an academic librarian in the social sciences for many years. She understands the difficulties first-year students experience when given coursework. This is often related to a lack of understanding of the sources available and of how to find and evaluate those sources. Understanding the types of material available, as well as learning how to locate, evaluate and use these materials in their studies and coursework is crucial to student success. However, the skills and knowledge necessary to learn these are all too often taught in isolated library induction sessions. Research has shown that embedding this knowledge and skill within a subject context, in a seamless union of learning and researching, has a higher chance of success. In this chapter Foley combines the core areas of subject knowledge with the library research skills necessary for students to confidently and independently research social problems.

Common problems addressed in this chapter include: the confusion that often arises about journals and journal articles; citing and referencing sources; plagiarism; and how to transfer the skills learned when researching one area to researching another. Finally, teaching staff may also find this chapter useful as a readymade resource to guide their students when they are searching for material.

Chapter 4 begins the engagement with material situated around a particular set of social problems. In keeping with the rest of the book, Isaacs examines the social construction of poverty. He argues that debates about poverty often demonise the poor themselves, blaming them for their own circumstances, as well as sometimes wider economic and social welfare failings. The chapter moves on to analyse New Labour’s social exclusion policies. It looks at the assumptions embedded in those policies and whether or not they had any success in alleviating poverty. New Labour’s policies are the most recent example of a comprehensive, reasonably resourced government initiative to try to deal with the manifold issues associated with low income and underachievement. Analysing their success and failures helps us to think more clearly about this social problem. As a case study the chapter ends with a discussion on homelessness. The main question here is: to what extent is homelessness caused by poverty and social exclusion? Isaacs maintains that, rather than being a social problem for the few, homelessness is a fundamental social issue that affects the whole of society.

In Chapter 5, McDonough looks at work as a social problem by setting out its social construction from a number of different perspectives. He discusses the underlying discourses which create assumptions about our role as workers. In particular he examines why the ‘work ethic’ seems to be such a strong moral imperative in the UK. Following this examination the author offers alternative ways of understanding what we might mean by ‘work’. Closely related to work is, of course, unemployment. As with the notion of work, what we characterise as ‘unemployment’ cannot merely be taken at face value, as a ‘common sense’ given. The ways in which unemployment is socially constructed are therefore analysed. This throws some light on the stratified character of work and how it affects various social groups in different ways in relation to gender, social class and ethnicity. McDonough concludes that unemployment and the responsibility for finding work are often constructed in political and media debates as the responsibility of the individual alone. In contrast, he maintains that, in fact, they relate to a whole set of social circumstances, often beyond the individual’s capabilities to control.

Professor Ginsburg has been teaching, researching and publishing in the area of migration and ‘race’ for over three decades. Unlike straightforward sociology of ‘race’ approaches, Chapter 6 looks at the issues of migration, asylum and ‘race’ through the perspective of various socially constructed debates in the UK. These are set out very clearly and thoroughly in a series of case studies. The chapter highlights the links between politicised debates about migration and racism. For example, indicating how tough talk from politicians and sections of the print media on limiting immigration may have a negative effect on discourses around ‘race’. In this way the chapter explores the sub-text of integrationist policies and hardening attitudes to immigration. On the other hand, Ginsburg also points out the burgeoning ethnic diversity in the UK and the more widespread acceptance, awareness and sensitivity to issues of ‘race’. He goes on to highlight the way in which recent debates have shifted towards the migration of EU citizens from Central and Eastern Europe. Arguments regarding over-crowding, increased pressure on public services, reduced employment opportunities for British workers and so on have all been deployed to construct an anti-immigration discourse. However, Ginsburg argues that these arguments do not stand up to critical scrutiny, despite the portrayal of migration as a threat to British culture. The reality on the ground is also different, in that new migrants have often experienced a tolerant and friendly welcome, particularly from employers who understand the value of their contribution.

In Chapter 7, on childhood and education, Blundell starts by stating that ‘No social group figures as consistently or frequently in the discussion of social problems as do children’. In this way the author points to one of the main ways in which the social construction approach helps us to take one step back from ‘common sense’ arguments. Rather than immediately situate his account of education in disputes about standards, policies, issues of class, gender or ethnicity, Blundell insightfully pieces together how it is that ‘the child’ is constituted in various ways. As he points out, these constructions of childhood are part of a historical legacy that constitutes powerful ideological assumptions which underlie many current education policies. Blundell explores the impact this has upon young people themselves as well as the wider policy implications. He argues that children are overly burdened as a source of hope in the search for solutions to many social problems. It is in the system of education and the institutions of schooling where many issues of social concern are presumed to be ‘solvable’. This includes not only educational achievement but the future of the UK’s economic success, health problems, issues relating to social cohesion and crime, youth gangs and drug-related crime. Fundamentally, then, this chapter explores where our ideas about children and childhood come from and why childhood and education have become so closely identified as means to solve society’s ‘ills’.

The criminology dimension of the book is writ large in Chapters 8 and 9. In the first of these Silverstone, who is a leading expert on issues of drug use and drug dealing within the night-time economy, looks at the social construction of so-called ‘organised crime’. This involves enquiring into the social construction of criminal issues, including discussions in relation to trafficking, measuring crime and the ‘moral panics’ that are sometimes created around international criminal syndicates. He notes how policing strategies often ignore issues of ‘race’ and poverty in their attempted solutions. Although this penultimate chapter is situated on the territory of criminology, by highlighting these social issues it serves to illustrate how social problems can be used to unify studies across the social sciences.

The final chapter looks at the various constructions of youth gangs, in the media and public debates. Young begins the chapter by giving an overview of the theoretical discussions regarding the character of gangs. This begins in the US but quickly relates to the UK, which has an altogether different tradition of analysis. Young moves on to discuss the experience of ‘gang formation’ and whether or not there is a phenomenon we might call ‘gang culture’. She looks at how the problem of gangs is constructed in contemporary society and reviews how government and policy makers respond to the issues. Young argues that political viewpoints influence the way in which debates about gangs as well as ‘gun and knife culture’ are disseminated in society. Moreover, the construction of ‘gang culture’ in the UK is itself a means of social control which engenders a widespread fear of young people and a growth in punitive sanctions against them. Finally, Young looks at the issue of girl gangs. This is a focus that is often marginalised in the literature on youth gangs.

Reference

May, M., Page, R. and Brunsden, E. (eds), Understanding Social Problems: issues in social policy, Oxford: Blackwell, 2001

chapter 2

Understanding and defining social problems

Stuart Isaacs

2.1 Introduction

To engage with social problems is to decide to think about issues that affect millions of people. Most of us have already had some kind of experience of these issues. This might be from a distance, for example, seeing a rough sleeper on the street. Or it could be more personal, as someone who has been homeless. Social problems are, unfortunately, part of all of our problems. To illustrate this we can start by understanding their relationship to other types of problems, namely, individual, economic and political problems.

When you wake up not wanting to go to school or college or work this may be because you are hung-over, or want to avoid someone or simply because you’re feeling drained. This is a problem for you, but it’s not a social problem. Not unless what you were going to do was of national importance!

Individual difficulties to do with personal trauma, psychological conditions, relationship problems, financial troubles and other such private concerns are not in themselves social problems. But they could be, if looked at from a broader, more generalised social context. Psychological issues would normally fall outside of the remit of social problems. But if any of the personal problems listed above were in some way tied to poverty, homelessness, social exclusion, racism, sexism, homophobia, unemployment, lack of educational achievement and so on, then they could be brought into an analysis of social problems.

On the whole we can maintain that social problems may be differentiated from individual problems, except where they form part of a collective issue.

Social problems ought also to be distinguished from economic problems. There is a commonplace view that all political and social issues are reducible to questions of resources and money. If this were the case then all we would have to do to alleviate illness or crime would be find the right economic model to use for the National Health Service (NHS) or the police force. But this would be a rather ahistorical understanding and one that lacked sociological knowledge. Most social problems have existed for some time. They have a history to them. A range of government policies have usually already been tried, giving rise to a complex array of bureaucratic and organisational structures. For example, policies regarding immigration are tied to a long history of Immigration Acts that span the twentieth century and into our own age. This complex set of laws has spawned central and local government agencies, incorporating UK Visas and Immigration and the Border Force, through to small refugee help centres. Economic models alone cannot help us to analyse how these organisations work, how policy is implemented within them and their own particular histories.

The organisations and agencies that address social problems through policy making and implementation cannot be analysed from a purely economic point of view. Nor can economic models help us to understand the social attitudes that have already grown around these issues. Since the first wave of post-war migrants came to the UK a varied range of social attitudes towards immigration can be observed. These attitudes span inclusive and sympathetic discourses, through to outright hostility and racism. Economics may well be a part of some of these attitudes, such as the argument that immigrants are a burden on the welfare system. But economic ideas alone cannot help us to interpret these opinions, assumptions or actions. Furthermore, the success or otherwise of integrationist policies or the work of organisations helping new immigrants is not solely reliant on what resources they have. It will be a matter of policy strategies, wider social circumstances and acceptability, as well as how each individual project is implemented on the ground.

Economic issues, such as the unequal distribution of wealth, may well be part of a discussion of social problems. But social problems are by no means determined by economics alone.

When it comes to distinguishing social problems from political problems this is a much more difficult task. If we think, for the moment, of political issues as only those that government is concerned with, then a distinction is fairly straightforward. Some social problems may be publicly debated as on-going issues, such as drug abuse. However, they may not necessarily impress themselves upon government to act even where public debate is clearly evident. In ...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Dedication
• Table of Contents
• List of illustrations
• Acknowledgement
• 1 Introduction
• 2 Understanding and defining social problems
• 3 Researching social problems
• 4 Poverty
• 5 Work and unemployment
• 6 Migration
• 7 Childhood and education
• 8 Organised crime and its policing
• 9 Youth gangs
• 10 Conclusion
• Index