1. Francophone African Novels and Their Translation into English
The earliest Francophone novels by sub-Saharan African authors appeared in the 1920s, but it was not until the 1950s that novel writing began to take off. Early works identified by Michelman (1976:33â34) include short novels or fragments of novels by Senegalese authors such as Ahmadou MapatĂ© Diagne (Les Trois VolontĂ©s de Malic, 1920); Massyla Diop (Le RĂ©prouvĂ© â roman dâune SĂ©nĂ©galaise, 1925); and Bakary Diallo (Force-BontĂ©, 1926). Felix Couchoro, a prolific Togolese writer who was to write a further twenty novels between 1941â1970, produced his first novel, LâEsclave (1929) during this early period. Other pre-World War II novels include Karim (1935) and Mirages de Paris (1937) by the Senegalese writer Ousmane SocĂ©, and Doguicimi (1938) by the Dahomean writer Paul HazoumĂ©.1 During the 1950s, in the context of rising resistance to colonialism, improved education in the colonies and the opening up of universities in France to African students, as well as an increasing interest in Africa in the West, a much greater number of novels by African authors began to be published in France. While the early novels identified above have generally fallen into obscurity, the novels of the 1950s are still widely read today. They include Camara Layeâs LâEnfant noir (1953); Ferdinand Oyonoâs Une vie de boy (1956), and the first novels by Mongo Beti, soon to become the most prolific and one of the most well-known Cameroonian authors. Another well-known author, Ousmane SembĂšne, also wrote his first novels during this decade, producing Le Docker noir (1956); O pays mon beau peuple (1957) and Les Bouts de bois de Dieu (1960). In the years immediately following independence, the number of publications of African novels dropped, before picking up again towards the end of the decade.2 Today there are some 1500 novels written in French by sub-Saharan Francophone African authors.
Although there are a significant number of anthologies of African literature, the majority cover only a limited period, making an accurate estimate of total novelistic output difficult.3 The most comprehensive and up-to-date database of Francophone African literature is the LITAF, a project set up by a group led by Alain Ricard, director of research at the Centre National de Recherche Scientifique, and affiliated to the Centre dâEtude dâAfrique Noire de Bordeaux. Country-by-country searches of the database indicate that the total number of novels by writers from former French and Belgian sub-Saharan colonies range from 7 (Rwanda) to 242 (Cameroon), with the largest outputs after Cameroon coming from Senegal (236), CĂŽte dâIvoire (220), Democratic Republic of Congo (147) and Congo Brazzaville (124). 4 Full details are given in Table 1 on page 17 below.
Corpus Boundaries
Before going on to present an overview and analysis of the translation rates for the corpus of literature identified, a few comments on the criteria for inclusion in the category of âsub-Saharan Francophone African novelsâ are called for. While the linguistic specification âFrancophoneâ is a relatively easily identifiable and closed category, encompassing any texts originally written in French,5 the categories of âAfricanâ and ânovelâ are more open to blurring at the borders. In the paragraphs that follow I shall outline the criteria for inclusion and identify potentially controversial inclusion/exclusion decisions.
African
The issue of what should be considered âAfricanâ literature has long been a contentious one. As Adele King (2004) observes in her introduction to a recently published collection of Francophone short stories, From Africa, early studies such as Lilyan Kestelootâs La LittĂ©rature nĂ©gro-africaine viewed all writers of African descent (including Caribbean writers and Black Americans) as African authors and, while this grouping is no longer considered appropriate, disputes about just what constitutes âAfricanâ literature remain. As Bandia (2008:13) observes, âquestions have been raised as to whether African literature means literature written by Africans, or, more generally, literature about Africa or the African experienceâ. While Bandia opts for the second of these possibilities in defining African literature as âthat literature which conveys African thought both traditional and modern, and deals with the African experience, both ancient and contemporaryâ, I have opted for the more straightforward â and statistically easier to identify â classification of African literature as that written by authors from African countries. More specifically, limiting my study to sub-Saharan literature as opposed to North African literature, I have viewed as âFrancophone African novelsâ any novels written by authors from any of the countries south of the Sahara in which French was, at some point, an official language. While some of these authors would themselves reject the label of âAfricanâ for their work â the Chadian author Nimrod, for example, is cited by King (2004:x) as rejecting the label âAfrican literatureâ as being a âresult of colonizationâ â I nevertheless retain the term as a useful way of circumscribing a corpus of literature, and of drawing together literature from a variety of countries, the borders of which are just as much a result of colonization as the term âAfrican literatureâ. If speaking of âAfrican literatureâ risks grouping together authors who are extremely varied in their writing styles and approaches, assuming a continuity between them that is nothing more than a colonially constructed myth, attempting to define literature by nationality (Senegalese literature, Cameroonian literature, and so on) would risk imposing artificial divisions between authors, assuming distinctions between them that are based on arbitrary national border lines drawn up by the colonial powers.
Even drawing on this pragmatic definition of âAfricanâ literature, however, the phenomena of emigration and mixed parentage mean that certain authors hover on the borderlines of âAfrican writerâ as a broad category. Where this is the case, I have drawn on the parameter privileged by Bandia (2008:13) (âliterature which conveys African thought ⊠and deals with the African experienceâ) in order to decide whether or not to include translated work by such authors in the corpus. Marie NâDiayeâs novel Rosie Carpe, for example, translated into English in 2005, has not been included in the corpus even though NâDiayeâs novels are listed on the LITAF database for Senegal. NâDiaye is half French and half Senegalese, and grew up in France, and, as Marco Roman observes, considers herself only âsuperficially Africanâ:
The French writer Marie NâDiaye occupies a unique position as a âfrancophoneâ author, for, despite her name, which reveals her fatherâs origins as Senegalese, this prolific young novelist was born and raised in France by a French mother. As she has highlighted in several interviews, NâDiaye considers herself only âsuperficiellement africaineâ and free from the suffering that a double cultural background often imposes. (2002:174)
Rosie Carpe tells the story of its eponymous protagonist, a French woman who travels to Guadeloupe in search of her brother, hoping that being reunited with him will help bring order to her own life. With no African characters and set outside Africa, the novel has little in common with the other novels that form part of the corpus. The publication of the translation as part of the University of Nebraskaâs âEuropean women writersâ series confirms that NâDiaye is probably to be viewed as a European, rather than African writer. Similarly, the novel Cercueil et Cie by Simon Njami, published in English as Coffin & Co in 1987, is set outside Africa (in New York City and Paris) and follows the adventures of two Harlem detectives. Although Njami was born to Cameroonian parents and although his novels are listed on the LITAF database for Cameroon, the translation of Cercueil et Cie has not been included in the corpus. The description of Njami as a âyoung black French writerâ in the blurb to the English version of the novel, and his comment, in a foreword to Bennetta Jules Rosetteâs Black Paris, that he has âalways kept [his] distance from that literature called Africanâ (Njami 2000:ix) suggest that it would be more inappropriate to include Njamiâs novel in the corpus than to leave it out.
Part of Njamiâs (ibid.) motivation in distancing himself from the âliterary circuitsâ of âAfrican literatureâ, which, he argues, âfunction at best as ghettosâ, is his dismissal of academics, whom he describes as âoften the bearers of received ideas than of truly new ideasâ, suggesting that their general concern is to develop âhermeticâ theses, drawing on writers as illustrations for those theses rather than exploring the achievements of writers in their own right. A similar concern seems to lie behind the Djiboutian author Abdouraham Waberiâs emphasis on seeing himself âas a writer first and only secondarily Africanâ (King 2004:x). These concerns stress the importance of resisting tidy analyses that establish overarching characteristics or motivations behind âAfrican writingâ and that interpret the work of individual authors according to those overarching patterns. The dangers associated with this type of interpretation can be clearly illustrated by the now notorious cases of plagiarism and disputed authorship associated with a number of the corpus writers, calling into question the true ability of critics to identify âAfricannessâ in a literary text.
The most notable controversies relating to plagiarism and disputed authorship of the novels in the corpus relate to Le Devoir de violence by Yambo Ouologuem and LâEnfant noir and Le Regard du roi by Camara Laye. When Le Devoir de violence was first published in France in 1968, it met with significant acclaim, winning the prestigious Prix Renaudot in the same year. One of the meritorious qualities highlighted by reviewers was its purported Africanness; Philippe Decraene, for example, writing for Le Monde, stated:
Six years living in France, long months of teaching at the Charenton lyceĂ© and at the little seminary at Conflans, the preparation of a DiplĂŽme dâEtudes SupĂ©rieures in English â successfully completed â followed by preparation for the AgrĂ©gation de Lettres, have in no way altered the authentically African view of things which he has retained. (quoted in English in Sellin 1999:69â70)
Ouologuem himself pointed to the links between his style of writing and African traditions when he stated in an interview originally given in French in 1969:
On the level of form, I wanted to make the epic speak, the tales of the griots, the Arab chroniclers, the oral African tradition. I had to reconstitute a form of speech filtered through a vision arising authentically from black roots. (1971:134â5)
Eric Sellin (1999:70) notes that âthe only reservations came from some Africans who felt that the novel didnât ring true, but did not state whyâ. Over the next couple of years, rumours that much of Le Devoir de violence was not Ouologuemâs work at all but was plagiarised from other sources began to circulate and take hold. In a paper given in 1971, Eric Sellin demonstrated strong similarities between Le Devoir de violence and Le Dernier des justes by AndrĂ© Schwarz-Bart, and in 1972 the TLS published an extract of Le Devoir de violence side-by-side with a section of Graham Greeneâs Itâs a Battlefield. In his account of the controversy, Sellin (ibid:81) cites Ouologuemâs essay âLettre aux pisse-copieâ to argue that it might be seen as a sort of confessional by Ouologuem concerning his mode of composing Le Devoir de Violence. In this letter, Ouologuem prescribes a simple method for writing books:
Dear niggertrash, what is waiting for you here is a vast work of reading, a gigantic compilation. But such labour is not in vain. In fact, here is the magic potion of your formula. Your work as a hack, famous Black writers, will permit you â just as it permitted the surrealists â to play, as dadaists, to build your own âcadavres exquisâ [exquisite corpses].6 ⊠For your books (such as I advise you to fabricate them henceforth) must allow you to invent, in the corridors of your imagination, A BILLION NOVELS PAINLESSLY! (Ouologuem 1969:166â8, quoted in English in Sellin 1999:82)
This pastiche approach would certainly account for the extreme variations in writing style in Le Devoir de violence, which swings between historical narrative, sentimentalized romance and coarse descriptions of sexual violence.
What is particularly interesting about the Ouologuem case â and of particular relevance to the theme of this book â is that many of the devices in which critics recognized Africanicity, such as the strategy of summarizing a tale before telling it, or the insertion of interjections such as âa prayer for himâ or âa sob for himâ, were actually modelled on the writing of a Frenchman from a Polish-Jewish family, AndrĂ© Schwarz-Bart.7 Whilst critics might easily â and, indeed, did â draw connections between such stylistic devices and African oral story-telling traditions, the reality of Ouologuemâs plagiarism acts as a cautionary reminder that such connections are by no means intrinsic, but are subject to being read within a certain contextual framework (in this case, the âknowledgeâ that the author is African). It is unclear whether another of the stylistic features of Le Devoir de violence usually associated with Africanness, namely the frequent inclusion of African-language and Arabic borrowings in the narrative, is original to Ouologuem or borrowed from another author, yet the reality of Ouologuemâs plagiarism of other stylistic features places an intriguing question mark over one of the assumptions made in this book â and explored in Chapter 3 in particular â that African-language borrowings can be viewed as palimpsetic traces of the African language or languages underlying the French narrative. Once again, the Ouologuem case reminds us that such an interpretation arises out of the broader framework that governs the reading and interpretation of the corpus novels, rather than being intrinsically linked to the stylistic device itself.
Another author in the corpus who has been accused of plagiarism is Calixthe Beyala, the best-selling Cameroonian female author. The charges of plagiarism relate to Le Petit Prince de Belleville and Les Honneurs perdus, the first of which has been translated into English and forms part of this corpus. As Hitchcott (2006:103) observes in her account of the plagiarism scandals surrounding Beyala, in May 1996 Beyala âwas convicted in the High Court of Paris of having partially plagiarized Howard Butenâs novel Burt in her novel Le Petit Prince de Bellevilleâ. As with Ouologuemâs Le Devoir de violence, then, identifying Le Petit Prince de Belleville as African fiction becomes problematic, given that it has been proven to have drawn very considerably on work by a non-African author (in this case, an American author living in France). Despite these difficulties, I have retained both Le Devoir de violence and Le Petit Prince de Belleville as part of the corpus, taking the view that, even if they are in large part derived from works by non-African authors, they have nevertheless been crafted to some degree by the African authors who claim ownership of them, and deliberately situate themselves within the framework of African literature.
If the type of plagiarism of which Ouologuem and Beyala were accused concerns African authors taking material from non-African authors, the controversy surrounding Layeâs novels concerns non-African author(s) purporting to be an African author. Unlike the Ouologuem controversy, which emerged fairly swiftly after the publication of the disputed text, the authorship issues surrounding Layeâs work were not accorded any significant attention until after Layeâs death in 1980, some twenty-five years after the publication of the novels, and were not treated in any depth by Western critics until the publication of Adele Kingâs Rereading Camara Laye in 2002. In this book, King â who originally set out to disprove the rumours concerning the disputed authorship of LâEnfant noir and Le Regard du roi â states:
After nine years, many letters and interviews, and research in available files, I now feel confident that Laye was helped in the composition and writing of LâEnfant noir and was given a manuscript of Le Regard du roi to which he contributed little. (ibid.:4)
Although, as King herself acknowledges, some of the information on which she bases her assertions cannot be proved, owing in particular to the disappearance of the manuscripts and to the extreme reluctance of those in whom Laye confided to consent to being interviewed, Kingâs detailed account puts forward compelling evidence to the effect that LâEnfant noir was in fact âa product of collaboration of several Europeans with the backing of the French governmentâ (ibid.:6), and that Le Regard du roi was âprimarily the work of [Francis] SouliĂ©, a Belgian with a passion for Africa and an unsuccessful literary careerâ (ibid.:5). As with the Ouologuem case, the Laye controversy highlights the dangers of interpretation surrounding literature, indicating â to put it simply â...