One fashionable topic
Over the past decade, place-making discourses have proliferated in the public arena and within the general population even before having reached academia. A survey of the most widespread media (more influential in terms of public opinion than specialized texts) shows increasing diffusion, which does not, however, correspond to mature conceptual thought (see Boyd and Chan, 2002, PPS, 2009, 2012, Grabow, 2013). The trend stems from extensive dissatisfaction with the quality and effectiveness of urban conditions. Contemporary society and politics continue to create settlements that lack meaning, where the “spirit of place” has become increasingly weak – fragile and uncertain or imaginary and imitative when the attempt is made to transfer general and preconceived settlement patterns to any given context (Fishman, 1977, 2011). At the same time, pervasive globalization and changing lifestyles undermine the cohesion of local communities (Nancy, 1986, 1999, Bauman, 2003, 2007) despite the confidence of new urbanism in being able to overcome these problems (Duany and Plater-Zyberg, 1991, Katz, 1994, Dutton, 2000). In this context, town planning or urban design practices regarding the physical transformation of urban contexts are not sufficient; the challenge is to improve the quality of life and the resulting effects on a community’s well-being and empowerment. The economic and social crisis that has been looming for years should stimulate environmental sustainability and social cohesion along with the economic attractiveness of urban places. “Soft place-making skills” are necessary for achieving these goals (Urban Design Forum, 2009:1). Here we are not alluding to a set of techniques but to a different approach that can ensure deep and positive innovation. At least this is the hope.
In reality, the list of available tools is short and well known. Current place-making experiences tend to improve livability and urban sustainability mainly through the modification or transformation of public space (Barnett, 1974, Gehl, 1987, Carmona et al., 2003, Madanipour, 2003). Projects take on juridical, planning, architectural, and economic characteristics, with possible social consequences. However, it is difficult to maintain that a dense and rich idea of the public realm is in question – even if John Dewey’s idea of “public” has been influential in international planning culture. In general, what is missing is thinking about how public space might generate common meaning (Bridge and Watson, 2000, Amin and Thrift, 2002, Dehaene and De Cauter, 2008) and social interaction between a plurality of subjects (Lindblom, 1990, Lanzara, 1993); also lacking is the analysis of the material consequences of these processes on social behaviors and public policy (Bianchetti, 2008b). The physical components of the interventions concern the technical design and construction of an urban structure. However, the symbolic, anthropological, and social analyses continue to be schematic or merely hypothetical.
In truth, the approach seeks to be innovative. Traditional relationships between settlement form and life experiences should be overturned – “First life, then space, then buildings” (Gehl, 2006: 75; see also Gehl and Gemzoe, 2003, Gehl, 2010). The possibilities for and quality of the urban experience should guide planning and architectural choices. Another innovative requirement, with respect to traditional practice, would be the participation of people in the construction of urban places. Participation is a challenging notion that should not be confused with generic consultation procedures. In fact, it might involve situations of involvement, engagement, or empowerment; the sequence itself indicates a crescendo of commitments and responsibilities (PPS, 2009, RUDI, 2014). Many participatory experiences have yielded disappointing results but these difficul-ties should not lead to cynical conclusions that consider participation to be an expensive and purely formal ritual adopted out of necessity or convenience and which does not produce any significant effects. The point is that people, with their life experiences, are experts: in meaning, needs, and possibilities for the transformation of urban space (Imrie and Hall, 2001, PPS, 2009, Madden 2011). Professionals need only provide the complementary resources useful for facilitating the process. This view contradicts the more widespread belief among scholars and practitioners insofar as the most common conceptions of urban design rely mainly – if not exclusively – on political will and professional expertise. It therefore becomes important to study everyday practices in order to investigate possible meanings and emerging needs with which design solutions should be consistent. The possibility for, and importance of, a bottom-up participatory approach seems to find confirmation in such recent trends as the aforementioned new urbanism, eco-cities (Heynen et al., 2006, Beatley, 2011, 2012, Wong and Yuen, 2011), or the smart cities movements (Heberle and Opp, 2008, Dierwechter, 2008, Duany and Speck, 2010) that have achieved fame and success – first in the US and later in Europe – as alternatives to traditional functionalist, normative, and technocratic urbanism (Sutcliffe, 1980, Perloff, 1980, Boyer 1983, Krueckeberg, 1983). The formulation of good practices and the selection of appropriate toolkits should derive from testing innovative participa-tory methods. Reference to specific contexts should be indispensable but practitioners tend to create, as far as possible, general professional handbooks (Wates, 2000, 2008, Pitchford and Henderson, 2008, Cooper et al., 2009, Hamdi, 2010, Sarkissian et al., 2010).
Traditions and experiments
One might object. “Participatory design of public space” is certainly not an unusual theme in urban design or planning. For some time, community design, new urbanism, advocacy planning (Davidoff, 1965, Peattie, 1968, Clavel 1994), transactive planning (Friedmann, 1973, Alexander, 1995), or collaborative planning (Healey, 1997, Innes and Booher, 2008, Gaffikin and Morrissey, 2011) have moved in similar directions in different ways, with varied and sometimes disappointing outcomes. How can we have greater hopes in this case? The emerging place-making movement seems to rely on reassuring rhetoric. The innovations are not quite as clear from the point of view of principles, tools, and techniques.
If we focus for a moment on techniques and tools, the proposals certainly do not appear original (Hall and Portefield 2001, Ellin, 2006, 2013, Walter, 2007, Silverberg et al., 2013). Transformation should ideally be driven by a master plan intimately related to a specific context. Urban settlements should ensure a sufficiently varied and balanced functional mixité. The priority should be the creation of a system of public places that promote social interaction with choices based on compliance with strict sustainability requirements. Observation, interaction, and listening are foundations for learning that helps the local community share and implement an integrated vision. Management of the process plays a key role and it is not only a matter of analysis, decision, and design: operational effectiveness becomes a crucial requirement. It is not a purely public function because partnerships with private or collective subjects become essential at this stage. In fact, government should focus its efforts on the redevelopment of public space, relying on the mobilization of private resources and initiatives to fully implement a shared vision. Architectural and urban form is an important issue but it is not a decisive one. In fact, it might even b...