Abstract
This chapter focuses on gender dimensions of inequality in agriculture and rural development. The first section examines inequality on a global scale, discussing some of the major historical, economic, and institutional dynamics instrumental in shaping contemporary inequalities. A basic definition of gender is explained, and the ways in which gender inequality occurs in terms of access to productive resources is discussed. These productive resources include land, labor, inputs, and knowledge. The final section considers the ways in which the work of development practitioners, agronomists, and research scientists is embedded in the systems of inequality, and aspects to consider when designing and conducting agricultural research and extension if sustainable agricultural systems are the end goal. A case study from Northern Malawi, and examples from Tanzania and elsewhere provide specific examples of gender and other inequalities, and how agricultural research can try to address these inequalities in the approach to, and methods of, research.
Inequality and Agricultural Systems in Perspective
Inequality at a Global Scale
Farmers around the world are operating within radically unequal political economic contexts. For example, let us start with a successful maize farmer in the US corn belt, who farms thousands of acres of a single crop with expensive machinery, purchasing vast amounts of hybrid seeds, pesticides, and fertilizers, drawing on computer-processed satellite data, and receiving a sizable share of his income from government subsidies. Near the other end of the farming spectrum, we could find a small farmer in Malawi, working a one-acre field by hoe, cultivating maize and other edible crops while the best land in her region is devoted to tobacco, lacking much capital or access to credit, and struggling with the increased cost of fertilizer and seeds (the latter which might be purchased from the same transnational corporation as our American maize farmer), receiving virtually no extension support, and facing additional responsibilities within her household as a caregiver to children of relatives who have been orphaned by AIDS. From this basic example, which has innumerable global permutations, a number of questions might jump out. For instance, what do these disparities mean for agricultural scientists? How did farming systems get shaped this way? What does âdevelopmentâ mean for the Malawian farmer? What are the prospects for the Malawian farmer in an increasingly competitive market with other producers, such as the American farmer? What policy changes might help support her farming? Where does agricultural science fit in all of this?
This chapter attempts to provide some context for these questions relevant to small farmers in the Global South, reviewing some of the major dimensions and scales of inequality affecting rural development. It makes the case that effective development interventions, including those of agricultural science, require attention to the historical, political, economic, and social context. At a basic level, inequality entails differences in economic, political, and social power that are discernible between and within nations, regions, communities, and households. We begin with the international scale, and move downwards in scale toward the household.
Global Inequality: The Big Picture
On an international level, development and inequality are most commonly framed in terms of per capita income. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has sought to broaden the criteria for understanding development with the âhuman development indexâ (HDI), which includes health and education as well as income, published annually in its Human Development Report. In 2014, the poorest two-thirds of the worldâs population received less than 13% of the worldâs income, compared to the richest 1% who received about 15% (UNDP, 2014, p. 39). Inequality within countries rose in 50% of all nations making up 70% of the global population between 1990 and 2012 (UNDP, 2014, p. 38). High inequality makes it more difficult to reduce poverty, threatens social stability, and undermines democratic values.
Agriculture provides a telltale sign of development rankings. On a global scale, the higher the percentage that farming represents within a nationâs employment structure, the lower that nation tends to be in terms of both per capita gross domestic product (GDP) and the HDI and, ironically, the more food insecure it tends to be, a point that will be returned to in the third section of this chapter. An estimated 1.2 billion people around the world are estimated to live on less than US$1.25 per day: and three-quarters of them live in rural areas of the Global South (UNDP, 2014, p. 19). The term âGlobal Southâ is used as an alternative to âdeveloping countriesâ, which has problematic assumptions (i.e. development is a linear process and âdevelopedâ countries are more âadvancedâ along a universal trajectory), or âThird Worldâ which was more appropriate during the Cold War era. An additional 1.5 billion people subsist on US$2.50 per day or less. Over 870 million people globally suffer from chronic undernourishment (UNDP, 2014, p. 28). Again, a large majority of this chronically undernourished population lives in rural areas. However, poverty and desperation in rural areas are also linked to the urbanization of poverty; the United Nations Human Settlement Programme estimates that roughly 860 million people currently live in slum conditions in the Global South, and if current trends continue this population is expected to double by 2030 (UNHABITAT, 2014).
Contemporary inequality trends have been shaped in part by historical factors, particularly European imperialism. Europe and its settler colonies are at the top of all indices of development, along with Japan, Korea, and Hong Kong, while the nations of Africa, Latin America, the Caribbean, and Asia that were formerly controlled by Europe are positioned at varying levels below. Global economic inequality has profound political manifestations in such things as the ability to establish the rules for economic governance through multilateral institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and World Trade Organization (WTO). It also has environmental dimensions that are most stark in the uneven responsibility for global climate change, and in the uneven vulnerability to its fallout (see Box 10.1). The challenges posed by climate change are taken up again in Chapter 13, Climate Change and Agricultural Systems, of this book.
Box 10.1
The Inequality of Climate Change
In addition to assessing and summarizing mounting scientific evidence on anthropogenic climate change, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has consistently drawn attention to the fact that the worldâs wealthiest, most industrialized nations have a disproportionately large role in emitting destabilizing greenhouse gases. Many of the worldâs poorest nations (and particularly the poorest people within them) will be most adversely affected by changing precipitation patterns, more severe weather, and rising sea levels. Some of these changes have already been observed, and have had impacts on crop production, according to the recent IPCC reports (IPCC, 2014).
Source: See http://www.ipcc.ch/.
Another crucial dimension of macroscale inequality that influences prospects for rural development is the increased global market concentration (or the share of global industry sales by the largest firms) of agricultural input and food processing industries. By 2009, the top eight firms in crop seeds, agricultural chemicals, animal health, and farm machinery accounted for a share of between 61% and 75% of all global market sales (Fuglie et al., 2011). This concentrated corporate economic power significantly affects both the input and output sides of agriculture. Fewer firms supplying inputs to farmers means increased corporate control over the types of inputs available, tensions over intellectual property rights, and often means higher input prices. Agricultural input prices have risen faster than farm commodity prices globally. At the same time, the fertilizer industry has invested limited research and development (accounting for an estimate less than 0.25% of sales, according to a recent review of 42 of the largest firms), such that profits have not led to...