In present-day societies worldwide, pop culture is ubiquitous in its various manifestations, such as pop music; shows and movies available in cinemas, on TV, and on streaming services; YouTube clips; podcasts; comics; cartoons; memes; video games; etc., with consumption rates for selected artifact types still increasing (Maudlin & Sandlin, 2015; Nielsen, 2019). While this may be considered stating the obvious, it is essential to note that in educational contexts a more general turn toward pop culture is a fairly recent (yet robust) development (Benson & Patkin, 2014; Browne, 2005; Peacock, Covino, Auchter, Boyd, Klug, Laing, & Irvin, 2018). Even though pop culture and its associated language have played a pervasive and socially highly relevant role in the lives of many language learners ā adolescents in particular (Grau, 2009; Richards, 1994; Rothoni, 2017, 2019) ā it is surprising that, to date, the use of pertinent artifacts and their language has been undertheorized and underresearched in applied linguistics and language education (Werner, 2018).1 This neither implies that there is no relevant work at all that recognizes the potential of pop culture for language learning purposes, nor that language educators have ignored pop culture in their daily practice (see, for example Domoney & Harris, 1993 for an older relevant analysis). However, given its large social impact and many favorable theoretical arguments from various fields of study for using it (see Section 2), related investigations and materials seem to be comparatively scarce.
Following explicit calls for more empirical and narrative research, such as the one voiced by Liu and Lin (2017), the contributions in this volume can be seen as attempts toward further normalizing the use of pop culture materials in language education. To provide broader contextualization of the domain, the current chapter (i) outlines shared theoretical underpinnings and methodological approaches and (ii) connects what may seem like disparate strands of research within an overarching theme.
1.1 What is āpopā? What is āpop cultureā?
A basic issue to tackle is how to define the āpopā in āpop cultureā.2 Numerous proposals circulate, which all emphasize various aspects and of which only a selection can be presented and discussed in sufficient detail here. In an effort to systematize approaches toward pop culture, Merskin (2008) establishes the following categorization:
(1)A pejorative meaning referring to objects or practices deemed lesser than or inferior to elite culture, that is, appeal to a mass audience;
(2)objects or practices well-liked by many people, that is, not the small groups of elite or wealthy;
(3)work designed with the intention of appealing to a great number of people, that is, commercial culture meant to be widely consumed; and
(4)things people make for themselves.
While definitions along the ādeficiencyā view exemplified in (1) can be viewed as traditional and have been largely overcome (Page, 2012), (2) and (3) certainly interact (with (3) focusing on consumption) and are central for language education. These characteristics are also reflected in pop culture essentially being āmass-generated print and nonprint texts [ā¦] that use multiple modes (for example, linguistic, visual, aural, performative) to communicate an intended messageā (Hagood, Alvermann, & Heron-Hruby 2010, p. 81). An alternative definition emphasizes the function of pop culture in society by defining it as a ābroad range of texts that constitute the cultural landscape of a particular time and/or place, as well as the ways in which consumers engage with those texts and thus become producers of new negotiated meaningsā (Maudlin & Sandlin, 2015, p. 369; emphasis in original). While the latter part of this definition extends to section (4) of Merskinās (2008) categorization, it is evident that pop culture centrally materializes in textual form,3 broadly defined. This makes pop culture artifacts a relevant object of study for language researchers and educators in the first place.
As a rule, pop culture texts represent scripted fictional(ized) content, even though the border between fiction and non-fiction admittedly may be difficult to draw sometimes (Queen, 2015), for instance when formats such as semi-scripted reality shows are considered. In addition, from the above definitions pop culture emerges as a multifaceted phenomenon encompassing a multitude of different artifacts and thus different text types (see also Marsh, 2008), which opens ample opportunities for language educators to use these texts in a flexible way, allowing adaptation of teaching approaches and contents to particular social and cultural contexts.
A few further aspects need consideration. First, due to its commercial nature, as inherent in definition (3) in Merskinās (2008) categorization, pop culture traditionally has been criticized as commodified and conformist with mainstream positions and values, a perspective established through the Frankfurt school of sociology (see, for example, Adorno, 1941). However, more recently it has been emphasized that the respective oppositional or conformist nature of each manifestation has to be considered individually (Marsh, 2008) and that it is misguided to conceive of the pop culture audience as mere passive mass consumers (Rothoni, 2017). It is interesting to note that many works that are now considered āclassicsā and are associated with āhighā culture initially were created with an intent to appeal to a mass audience (Hobbs, 2005), which is testimony to the dynamic and situated nature of pop culture and culture more generally.
The globalized nature of pop culture is another issue that is implicit in Merskinās categories (2) and (3), with modern channels of distribution facilitating the spread of the manifestations worldwide (Marsh, 2008; Miller, 2015; Werner, 2018). As already mentioned above, an aspect strongly related to the globalized spread of pop culture is its connection to mass media (Queen, 2015). Mass media has been identified as one of the three main routes (besides personal networks and travelling) through which language learners come into contact with a target language outside institutional contexts (Grau, 2009; see further Sections 2.3.1 and 2.3.3), and this presently includes the ever more spreading digital media (Rothoni, 2017).
On a different note, it is crucial to mention the persisting bias toward Western(ized), and, particularly, American(ized) forms, and an overrepresentation of English as the language of pop culture (Liu & Lin, 2017). A look at the table of contents shows that the present volume can be considered representative of these biases, which are also reinforced by English serving as global lingua franca and being the most-studied second and foreign language worldwide (see, for example, Rothoni, 2017; de Wilde, Brysbaert, & Eyckmans, 2019). However, while English continues to feature prominently whenever language education and pop culture are brought together (Benson & Patkin, 2014; see also Lee & Moody, 2012), this certainly does not preclude other languages from being considered, and a number of contributions (Issa, this volume; Pai & Duff, this volume) illustrate this development.
In sum, in accordance with the foregoing thoughts, pop culture will be broadly conceptualized here. Its scholarly study represents a wide field in terms of both the various artifacts comprised and the theoretical frameworks and research-methodological approaches applied. Thus, language educators are encouraged to also apply a wide angle when engaging with pop culture to fully exploit its potentials.