Return of the Pharaoh

Memoir in Nasir's Prision

Zainab Al-Ghazali, Mokrane Guezzou

• Publisher: The Islamic Foundation
• Year: 2015
• eBook ISBN: 9780860376514
• Topic: History
• Subtopic: Middle Eastern History
• Index: History

Zainab al-Ghazali was falsely accused and imprisoned for conspiring to kill Jamal 'Abd al-Nasir the president of Egypt in 1965. While awaiting trial she was subjected to torture. This book presents her ordeal and the inspirational way in which she reacted: with increased determination to promote an Islamic cause and renewed belief in her principles and faith.

1

Jamal ‘Abd al-Nasir:¹ Hatred and Vengeance

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On my way home one afternoon, on a wintry day in early February 1964, my car suddenly turned upside down after colliding with another vehicle. The sheer force of the collision sent me into a state of semi-consciousness, and despite the severity of my pains the only thing I could comprehend, from all that was happening around me, was the panicky voice of someone calling my name. I can only assume that I then passed out for when I woke up I found myself in Heliopolis. Hospital surrounded by my husband, brothers, sisters and some of my colleagues in da’wah. As was evident from the expression on their faces they were all acutely distressed but within seconds I passed out again.

I can recall mumbling: ‘Thank God, thank God!’, as if enquiring about what happened. It then all came flooding back, and I could hear my husband’s relief as he said: ‘Praise be to Allah, He has saved her. Thank Allah Hajjah.’²

I enquired about my driver who, I was told, was well - praise be to Allah - and receiving treatment in hospital. I found out later that he was suffering from cerebral concussion. As for myself, I was taken to the X-ray room where it was established that my thigh bone was broken. As a temporary measure my leg was placed in an iron cage ready for my transferral to Mazhar ‘Ashur Mustafa Hospital, where surgeon Muhammad Abdullah was to operate on me. The operation itself took three and a half hours and even then my condition remained critical for some time. Once I did begin to recover it did not take me long to establish both from what I overheard and what was reported to me that the accident was no accident at all. It had been planned by Nasir’s secret agents, with the express intent to kill me.

Up until these events, a group of Muslim youth used to visit me on a daily basis. First among them was Brother ‘Abd al-Fattah Isma’il. Clearly now with Nasir’s ambitions for me, I could no longer allow these visits to continue and therefore informed my respected brother of my decision. He informed me that he had already requested just that of the youth but they were insistent that nothing should change. Their visits would go ahead as usual.

On another occasion, the Muslim Ladies Group’s administrative secretary tried to give me a file which she wanted to show me in my capacity as President of this group. Both my husband and the wife of Hasan al-Hudaibi, the supreme guide (al-Murshid al-‘Am) of the Muslim Brotherhood³ (al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun) were in my room at this time. I watched helplessly as my husband quickly guided my visitor away and I overheard him reminding the secretary that he had already forbidden her giving me any work-related documents. My husband’s explanation, when I tried to find out what was going on, was that Doctor Abdullah’s permission was necessary before I undertook any kind of activity. The doctor later, and after an examination of my leg, confirmed that it was he who had ordered that none of the group’s documents or news should reach me. I protested, claiming that it was a simple matter of signing a few documents, but he was adamant. The days passed by slowly and again I begged the doctor to allow me to do some of the group’s work. My requests were met with the same refusal. By now though I was certain that there was something which everyone was trying to hide from me.

In what seemed like weeks later, and after mustering great courage, the secretary again came to inform me, in the presence of my husband, of the decree to close down the General Headquarters of the Muslim Ladies Group. I could hardly believe my ears and almost snatched the papers from her only to read its confirmation in black and white.

‘Alhamdu Lillah, but the government has no right to do this, we are an Islamic group.’

‘No one can say to this government it has no right. We have tried everything, but Nasir is adamant about dissolving the group. Worse still, he hates you personally, Hajjah Zainab! for he can’t stand the mentioning of your name in his presence. If anybody does make reference to you he immediately stops the meeting with whoever has done so.’

‘Praise be to Allah that he fears me and detests me. I too detest him, for Allah. Nasir’s despotism only serves to increase our persistence to please our consciences and live for the fulfilment of our mission, the mission of tawhid. We will triumph, insha’ Allah, and the least that we can give for that is to be martyred for its sake.’

‘Hajjah’, she said with tears in her eyes, ‘the matter is very serious, I pray also to Allah that it won’t end with the banning of our Group. But perhaps the very words you say now are being recorded, they may have bugged the room.’

The secretary whispered these words into my ear as if she were afraid that what she said was true, and she carried on whispering: ‘Hajjah, I request you to do a small thing, please sign this paper. If you do, the decree to ban our group will be reversed.’

I asked her to hand over the piece of paper. It was a membership card for the Socialist Union.

‘No, by Allah. May my hand be paralysed if I ever sign that which will incriminate me, in front of Allah, with acquiescing to the despotic rule of Nasir who killed ‘Abd al-Qadir ‘Awdah and his colleagues. Those who have soiled their hands with the blood of the faithful, are adversaries of Allah and of all believers. It is more honourable for us to let the Muslim Ladies Group be dissolved.’

She kissed my head, and with tears in her eyes, asked: ‘Do you trust that I am your daughter?’

‘Yes!’

Then leave this issue.’

‘We will leave it, and I won’t sign this paper. Our signature implies allegiance to a despot, which is an impossible thing for us to do. Allah will do that which He chooses for His Servants.’

Several more days passed in hospital, and then to my relief it was decided that I could continue the treatment at home.

Dealings with the Socialist Union

At home, the secretary would visit me daily, and on one occasion quite out of the blue she informed me that the ban decree had been lifted. Surprised, I asked how this had happened.

‘I honestly don’t know, but it may well be for the sake of opening up channels of communication with you.’

Despite a return visit to the hospital for an operation to remove the pins from my thigh, I had by now assumed my function of running the affairs of the Muslim Ladies Group from home. Meanwhile, (Imam Shahid) Sayyid Qutb had been released and together with a number of Muslim brothers, visited me in hospital. Imagine my surprise then when a recorded delivery item arrived containing a card with the inscription:

‘Arab Socialist Union’

Liberty-Socialism-Unity

Name: Zainab al-Ghazali al-Jubaili, known as: Zainab al-Ghazali.

Occupation: President of The Muslim Ladies Group.

Borough: al-Basatin-Almaza.

County: Misr al-Jadidah.

District: al-Qahirah.

Enclosed with the card was a receipt showing that my membership fee for 1964 had been paid. I laughed bitterly at what had become of Egypt; we used to live in freedom, but the military coup had changed all that.⁴ Thereafter, invitations from the Socialist Union, to attend its meetings, began pouring through my letter-box. I ignored them. Instead my energies were concentrated on gradually resuming my activities in the general office of the Muslim Ladies Group; with the aid of a walking stick my movements were now less inhibited.

I was in the general office one morning when the phone rang; the secretary wanted me to speak with someone from the Socialist Union. I picked up the phone: ‘Assalam Alaikum.’

‘Wa Alaikum assalam.’

‘Yes, what can I do for you?’

The caller asked me if I was Zainab al-Ghazali, and when my answer was in the affirmative he said: ‘This is the Socialist Union. The members of the Muslim Ladies’ administrative committee, and you first and foremost, are requested to take your banners and go to the airport to welcome the President home.’

‘Insha’ Allah, Allah does what He wills and chooses.’

‘This is our request, we want the administrative committee, as well as a great number of the general committee’s members to be present. If you require, we will arrange for a car to be at your disposal.’

‘Thank you.’

Here the call ended.

A few days later, I received another phone call from the Socialist Union. It was a lady; she wanted to know why we had not been present at the airport to welcome the President. By way of response I said: ‘We members of the Muslim Ladies’ administrative committee, and the general council, all observe Islamic behaviour, therefore, we cannot be present in such crowded welcomes.’

‘How can that be Madam Zainab? It seems that you don’t want to co-operate with us. Did you inform the other members and did they each in turn refuse?’

‘How could I have informed them when I am not convinced of your request which runs counter to the teachings of Islam?’

‘You are not co-operating with us!’

‘We stick to the teachings of the Qur’an and the Sunnah. Our pact is with Allah, our co-operation can only be in issues of good and beneficence. Perhaps you will concede that the telephone is not a suitable medium for such a discussion?’

‘You are welcome here! We will wait for you in the Socialist Union’s Headquarters in ‘Abidin Square to discuss this issue.’

‘Unfortunately, I am sick, and my movements limited because of a serious injury to my leg. If you please you are welcome in the Muslim Ladies Headquarters.’

‘Come to see us on your way home, are you not a member of the Socialist Union?’

‘I am a member of the Muslim Ladies Group, assalamu alaiki, my daughter, wa rahmatu Allah!’

I ended the call, and did not go to see her.

A week later our group secretary showed me a recorded letter dated 15th September 1964, containing Ministerial Decree No. 32 dated 6th September 1964, which informed us once again of the Government’s decision to ban the Muslim Ladies Group.

‘NO’ to the Despot!

The Muslim Ladies Group’s administrative committee held an urgent meeting that same day. The committee rejected both the dissolution decree and the hand over of its property and belongings to another group whose members, although part of our group, had been separated from us at the instigations of the Secret Services before Nasir’s coup. After the coup this group had become Nasir’s tool. Our administrative committee had also decided to call our general council to an urgent meeting, within the next 24 hours. Here, too, the general committee rejected the dissolution of our Group and agreed to refer the case to the courts.

We recruited a lawyer, Dr. Abdullah Rashwan, to defend our case. Meanwhile, we sent recorded letters and messages to the Presidency, the Home Office, the Ministry of Social Affairs and the Attorney General, along with duplicate copies to the press, informing all these parties that the Muslim Ladies Group was established in 1936 for the promotion of Islamic da’wah and the return of Muslims to their Lord’s Book and the Sunnah of His Messenger. Hence, neither the Home Office nor the Ministry of Social Affairs had any bond of allegiance from our group. For allegiance is, after all, due only to Allah and to those who establish His religion and laws. Our letter read:

The Muslim Ladies Group was established in 1936 to spread the message of Allah and to strive for the making of a Muslim Ummah which will bring back to Islam its glory and own state. Our group works for the sake of Allah, and no secular government has the right of sovereignty over Muslims.

The Muslim Ladies Group’s message is a call to Islam. It recruits men, women, the young and the old, in order that they believe in Allah’s message and establish a state that takes what He revealed as its law.

We, the Muslim Ladies, reject the ban decree on our Group, for the President, who is openly calling for the secularization of the state, has no right of allegiance from us. Neither has the Ministry of Social Affairs any right of allegiance from us; Da’wah represents neither money nor belo...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Contents
• Foreword
• Translator’s Introduction
• Introduction
• 1. Jamal ‘Abd al-Nasir: Hatred and Vengeance
• 2. The Pledge of Allegiance
• 3. Conspiracy
• 4. In the Company of Shams Badran
• 5. Facing Up to Nasir
• 6. In Court
• 7. In al-Qanatir Prison, 5th June