The Mongol Conquests in World History

Timothy May

• Publisher: Reaktion Books
• Year: 2013
• ISBN:
  9781861899712
• Topic: History
• Subtopic: World History
• Index: History

The Mongol Empire can be seen as marking the beginning of the modern age, and of globalization as well. While communications between the extremes of Eurasia existed prior to the Mongols, they were infrequent and often through intermediaries. As this new book by Timothy May shows, the rise of the Mongol Empire changed everything—through their conquests the Mongols swept away dozens of empires and kingdoms and replaced them with the largest contiguous empire in history. While the Mongols were an extremely destructive force in the premodern world, the Mongol Empire had stabilizing effects on the social, cultural and economic life of the inhabitants of the vast territory, allowing merchants and missionaries to transverse Eurasia. The Mongol Conquests in World History examines the many ways in which the conquests were a catalyst for change, including changes and advancements in warfare, food, culture, and scientific knowledge. Even as Mongol power declined, the memory of the Empire fired the collective imagination of the region into far-reaching endeavors, such as the desire for luxury goods and spices that launched Columbus's voyage and the innovations in art that were manifested in the masterpieces of the Renaissance. This fascinating book offers comprehensive coverage of the entire empire, rather than a more regional approach, and provides an extensive survey of the legacy of the Mongol Empire.

^{PART ONE}

THE MONGOL CONQUESTS
AS CATALYST

1

THE FORMATION OF THE
MONGOL EMPIRE

The Mongol Empire founded by Chinggis Khan (also known as Genghis Khan in the West) became the largest contiguous empire in history, stretching from the Sea of Japan to the Mediterranean Sea and the Carpathian Mountains. At its peak more than one million men were under arms and enrolled in the armies of the khan, or the emperor, of the Mongol Empire. Family units provided support and logistics while wives and daughters maintained the herds and flocks that sustained the Mongols’ nomadic lifestyle. The Mongol khans became determined to conquer the world and indeed, with the resources at their disposal, there was little reason why they would fail. Yet, eventually, the empire collapsed, partially under its own weight and internecine feuds. The following is a brief history of the rise of the Mongol Empire and its subsequent expansion across Asia and into Europe until it separated into four separate and smaller, yet still powerful, kingdoms.

THE RISE OF CHINGGIS KHAN

Unquestionably the most difficult stage in the rise of the Mongol Empire was the unification of Mongolia under Chinggis Khan. As his childhood included the death of his father, his own enslavement, fratricide, the kidnapping of his wife and military defeat, there was no obvious portent that Temüjin, as Chinggis Khan was known in his youth, would become the supreme power in the Mongolian steppe and, indeed, the world. Other powerful and more significant leaders and tribes existed.

Much of the chaotic nature of steppe politics and power was due to the collapse of the Liao Dynasty (907–1125). Although the Liao Dynasty is often considered, and rightfully so, a Chinese dynasty, Liao was the dynastic name of the Khitans, a Mongolian people who ruled as Chinese emperors but also as khans over much of Mongolia, meaning the area bounded by Lake Baikal and the Siberian taiga to the north, the Greater Khingan Mountains to the east, the Altai Mountains to the west, and the steppe zone south of the Gobi Desert and north of the Ordos Loop. Liao control in the steppe not only rested on their manipulation of tribes but also in the placement of Khitan troops in the steppe, complete with ‘towns’ that supported the mobile garrisons with smiths, granaries and other logistical support.

The rebellion of the Jurchen tribes in Manchuria ended the Liao rule. Although remnants fled to modern Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan to establish the Western Liao of Kara Khitai Empire, the Jurchen supplanted the Liao in northern China with the Jin Empire (1125–1234), Jin being the dynastic name they assumed. While the Jin also attempted to maintain control in the steppe, it was less effective. Thus many former vassals of the Khitan gained their independence and struggled against each other not only to secure their freedom but also to assert their dominance over other groups as well as against the Jin’s own efforts to exert influence over steppe affairs. The Mongols were but one of the groups competing for survival on the Mongolian steppes.

At the time of Temüjin’s birth in 1162 the Mongols were a broken power, having suffered significant defeats by their hereditary enemies, the Tatars in eastern Mongolia, and the Jin Dynasty of northern China.¹ The ramifications of this defeat were immense, causing the Mongols to fall from being a major force in the steppe to a minor power, often requiring the support of more powerful polities against the continual menace of the Tatars. Indeed, the Tatar resurgence and the Mongol decline was part of the balancing act the Jin Empire and previous empires in China played to prevent steppe nations from becoming too powerful. Nonetheless, although the Mongols were now without a true khan, certain leaders still carried significant weight and continued the struggle against the Tatars. Yisügei Bahadur (meaning hero or brave) was one such leader among the Borjigin Mongols. An ardent enemy of the Tatars, Yisügei served as a vehicle for the changes that swept across Mongolia for the rest of the twelfth century.

Yisügei, with his wife Hö’elün, whom he gained through rather nefarious yet traditional means of kidnapping, fathered Temüjin along with three other sons and a daughter. Hö’elün, a member of the Olqunu’ut people, had been accompanying her new husband, Chiledü of the Merkit, back to his pasturelands when Yisügei and his brothers attacked. Chiledü escaped, but Yisügei abducted Hö’elün and thus she became his senior wife. She gave birth around 1162 to Temüjin, and then to Jochi-Kasar, Kachun and Temüge, and also to the youngest, a daughter named Temülün. Yisügei also married a second wife, named Ko’agchin, who gave him two sons, Bekhter and Belgütei.²

The children had only a brief time with their father, though. When Temüjin was eight or nine years old, Yisügei took him to find a future bride. Along their journey they encountered Dai-Sechen, a leader among the Onggirat, a Turkic people in eastern Mongolia. Dai-Sechen convinced Yisügei that his daughter, Börte, only slightly older than Temüjin, would be a good wife for him. Furthermore, and perhaps the deciding factor, Dai-Sechen prophesized greatness for the young Mongol lad, saying:

This son of yours is a boy
Who has fire in his eyes,
Who has light in his face.³

Dai-Sechen told Yisügei of a dream he had the previous night about a white gyrfalcon clutching the sun and the moon, which flew to DaiSechen. The Onggirat chieftain interpreted the dream as Temüjin being the gyrfalcon, and by clutching the sun and moon it was obvious he would rule the world.⁴

Yisügei accepted this auspicious omen and left his son with the Onggirat before returning to the Borjigin Mongols. On his way home Yisügei stopped at a camp to rest and eat. Among the steppe nomads there was, and still is, the custom that one is obliged to grant hospitality if someone comes to one’s camp seeking food or shelter. This was typical behaviour and both reciprocal and crucial to survival in the harsh environment of the steppe. Unfortunately for Yisügei, the particular camp he visited was that of some Tatars. Despite the enmity of the Mongols and Tatars, during a non-hostile visit the Tatars were obligated to accept and tend to their visitor’s needs. Nonetheless, the Tatars recognized the Mongol chieftain and poisoned his food and drink. Thus by the time Yisügei reached his home he was near death. His last request was that Temüjin should be brought home, although he died, in the early 1170s, before Temüjin arrived.

The death of Yisügei carried grave ramifications for the Mongols. As Yisügei had been the leader of the Borjigin Mongols, one of the major divisions among the Mongols, the Borjigin were now leaderless. Although Temüjin had returned, no one accepted the leadership of a ten-year-old boy or his slightly older half-brothers. Thus most of the clans that had followed Yisügei flocked to the Tayichiut, the other major division; other clans found leadership and protection elsewhere. Thus Temüjin’s family became impoverished and was forced into a subsistence-based life; without the leadership of his mother, Hö’elün, they all probably would have died.

It was during this period of ostracism that Temüjin and his elder half-brother Bekhter became embroiled in a contest of power. Despite their precarious existence, Bekhter hoarded food and stole a fish and a bird that Temüjin and his brother Jochi-Kasar caught. By keeping the food Bekhter ensured his own survival, but not that of his brothers. This led Temüjin, with the assistance of Jochi-Kasar, to murder Bekhter. The quarrel, however, was ultimately over power.⁵ Although Temüjin was the eldest son of the senior wife, Hö’elün, and thus most likely to be the leader when he obtained his majority (at the age of fifteen), Bekhter was a few years older. Obtaining his majority first he would not want to be of inferior rank to his younger half-brother. Bekhter could also assume leadership by Levirate marriage. A common tradition among the nomads was that the sons or brothers of a man could marry his wives, excluding their own mother. Thus it was feasible that Bekhter could marry Hö’elün, becoming Temüjin’s father and effectively his lord. Temüjin’s murder of his brother, in all likelihood, had more to do with this threat than with the theft of a fish and a small bird.

While Temüjin successfully staved off a threat to his primacy among his family, it triggered a reaction among the other Mongols. This murder violated nomadic custom and although Temüjin’s family was no longer a major factor in steppe politics it still demanded attention. As a result the Tayichiut raided Temüjin’s camp. While Temüjin and his brothers avoided capture for several days, ultimately the Tayichiut captured Temüjin and brought him to their camp where he was kept captive, possibly for a few years.⁶

Temüjin eventually escaped and through a few adventures gradually established himself as a leader with a small but loyal following outside his family. It was during this period that he claimed his bride from Dai-Sechen in the early 1180s. In addition to marrying Börte, he used a gift Hö’elün received from Chotan, Börte’s mother, to develop a client relationship with the powerful leader of the Kereits, Toghril OngKhan.⁷ Toghril, as ruler of the Kereits, dominated central Mongolia in the river basin of the Selenge, Orkhon and Tula rivers. Temüjin demonstrated a flair for politics by using his father’s ties to Toghril to gain his patronage, and as Hö’elün allowed him to invest her wealth into alliances. Yisügei had, on more than one occasion, assisted Toghril in gaining or regaining his throne. Furthermore, the two had been blood-brothers, or anda, and it was on this claim that Temüjin now called. However, his success would not last.

Less than a year after gaining his bride and the protection of the powerful khan of the Kereit, the Merkits avenged the abduction of Hö’elün by raiding Temüjin’s camp. As Temüjin and the others fled, uncertain of who was attacking them, Börte was inadvertently left behind in the confusion and carried off by the Merkit. Temüjin then turned to Toghril for assistance. Although Temüjin, in the grand scheme of things, was a minor figure in Toghril’s hierarchy, Toghril agreed to assist him. Toghril probably based his decision more on potential rewards in terms of plunder than loyalty to a new and rather insignificant servitor. Toghril called upon Jamuqa, another Mongol, to join in the campaign. Jamuqa was not only a client of Toghril but also his war chief or leader, as well as the anda of Temüjin. Jamuqa, earlier in his life, had also been a victim of the predations of the Merkit and thus also had an axe to grind with them.⁸ The subsequent attack on the Merkit was tremendously successful, not only regaining Börte, but also seriously disrupting and weakening the Merkit.

Yet there were some unforeseen consequences. One was that by the time Börte had been rescued, several months had passed. On the return journey she gave birth to a son, named Jochi. The name Jochi means ‘guest’ and was probably chosen as Jochi appears not to have been the son of Temüjin. The actual father was a Merkit to whom Börte was given. Although Temüjin accepted Jochi as his legitimate eldest son throughout his life, it eventually became a source of tension among his children.

Another ramification of the Merkit attack was that Temüjin joined Jamuqa for the duration of a year. During this time he served as a lieutenant to Jamuqa and learned much about the techniques of steppe warfare.⁹ Tension between Jamuqa and Temüjin, however, eventually drove the two apart. It is at this point that the charisma of Temüjin becomes very apparent. Although Temüjin and his following separated from Jamuqa, they were joined by several members of Jamuqa’s forces. Although a few members of the Borjigin nobility joined Temüjin, commoners formed the majority of those who rallied to him, many of them barely above the status of slaves. In Temüjin they saw a figure that did not cater to the interests of the aristocracy.

This separation accelerated Temüjin’s ascension to power. In 1185, after he and Jamuqa parted company, Temüjin’s relatives elected him to be the khan of the Borjigin Mongols. While his patron, Toghril, and even Jamuqa congratulated him on his new title, the election was disingenuous. Typically, a ruler in the steppe was elected or chosen from among the leading figures of the nomadic aristocracy based on his experience and ability to provide for and protect the tribe. Once in power, the khan did not have absolute authority, but was expected to consult with those who raised him to power.¹⁰ In 1185 Temüjin was young and with relatively little experience compared to his uncles and other relatives who elected him but he did possess enormous charisma. In truth those who selected him did so because they thought he was malleable and thus would serve as a puppet for their needs. Much to their chagrin, they learned Temüjin was most certainly not a puppet, particularly with strong-willed and smart women like his mother Hö’elün and wife Börte advising him.

Despite his election, Temüjin’s troubles had only begun. Tensions increased between Temüjin and his anda Jamuqa. Eventually the two warred. Toghril, patron of both, did not participate. The two armies met in 1187 at the Battle of Dalan Balzhut with Jamuqa the victor. Temüjin fled after his defeat, perhaps into the Jin Empire.¹¹ Nonetheless, in some respects the battle strengthened him as many former followers of Jamuqa joined Temüjin, for the victor exacted a terrible vengeance on those who had left his army in previous years by boiling many alive. These extreme actions alienated many of those who had remained with him.

In the early 1190s Temüjin returned to Mongolia and apparently regained enough power to be a force in the steppe again. Although Jamuqa remained a threat Temüjin felt the time was right to deal with the Tatars who had steadily increased their power in the steppe. Indeed, even the Jin Empire in northern China had become concerned with their strength, perhaps an underlying reason for Temüjin’s return. Thus the Borjigin Mongols and the Kereit, working in concert with the Jin, launched an attack on the Tatars in 1197. Caught between the pincers of the Kereit and Mongols on one side and the Jin armies on the other, the Tatars were defeated. Although their power was not completely destroyed, they ceased to be an immediate threat to all parties for the time being. As a result the Jin recognized Toghril as the major steppe ruler and Temüjin as one of his important vassals.

For the rest of the 1190s Temüjin’s strength and influence grew. He and Toghril continued to fight the Merkit, as well as the Naiman in western Mongolia as the Kereit and Naiman were at war with each other. Temüjin also transformed into a capable military leader and on more than one occasion rescued his overlord, once from the Naiman and a second time restoring him to the throne after a rebellion. By 1200 Temüjin had established himself as the undisputed ruler of the OnanKerülen river basin, the territorial homeland of the Mongols. Conflict between the Borjigin and the Tayichiut Mongols was renewed and led to a major battle between the two tribes with Temüjin emerging victorious. The victory was not complete as many of the Tayichiut escaped, but their power was broken in the east.

A conclusion between Temüjin and the Tayichiut was not long in coming. Seeing the rise in power of Toghril, due partly to Temüjin’s own success, a number of smaller tribes banded together in a confederacy against the two allies. As leader they chose a former client of Toghril’s: Jamuqa. In 1201 the confederacy elected Jamuqa Gur-Khan or Universal Ruler and then marched against the Kereit and Mongols. At Köyiten the two forces met. Here Jamuqa’s generalship proved less effective as Toghril and Temüjin defeated the confederacy. While Toghril pursued Jamuqa and brought him to submission, Temüjin followed the Tayichiut and defeated them although he nearly died from an arrow wound to the throat. The bulk of the tribe was incorporated into the Borjigin Mongols. To ensure that the Tayichiut would never threaten him again Temüjin executed the leaders of the tribe – beginning a pattern that would be a hallmark of the future Chinggis Khan. As an unexpected bonus the Onggirat, Börte’s tribe, also joined Temüjin’s following.

Riding a wave of success, Temüjin decided to finish the Tatars once and for all. They had taken part in Jamuqa’s confederation against the Kereit and Mongols. With the addition of the Onggirat and Tayichiut the Mongols’ strength had been greatly enhanced. It is at this point we also begin to see a transformation of Mongol warfare. Before attacking, Temüjin issued a remarkable order: no one would stop to plunder until he gave the order.¹² Typically, once nomadic forces reached the camp of the enemy they plundered it and rode off with their gains. The point of raids and attacks was not to decimate an enemy but rather to enrich themselves. Temüjin, however, saw a new reason for war: security against outside threats. He saw the wisdom, what modern observers would see as common sense, of securing a complete victory over the enemy before enjoying the spoils.

In 1202 Temüjin defeated the Tatars at Dalan Nemürges in eastern Mongolia near the Khalkha River. Much as he had done with the Tayichiut, Temüjin ordered the destruction of the Tatar aristocracy. The commoners were then assimilated into the Mongols and distributed among the various clans to ensure they could not prove troublesome. Temüjin then dealt with his relatives. As they had elected him as ruler the Borjigin aristocrats considered Temüjin their puppet and did not pay attention to his prohibition on plundering during the attack on the Tatars. Temüjin corrected this and confiscated their booty – redistributing it among the rest of the Mongols.

At this point, although still a vassal of Toghril, Temüjin had become the master of eastern Mongolia. His sudden rise to power altered his relationship with Toghril, as the latter became increas...