Social and Emotional Learning
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Social and Emotional Learning

A Critical Appraisal

Neil Humphrey, Neil Humphrey

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eBook - ePub

Social and Emotional Learning

A Critical Appraisal

Neil Humphrey, Neil Humphrey

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About This Book

?A landmark book for SEL. It provides an even-handed, scholarly appraisal of the latest research. This major contribution will advance SEL science, improve school-based practice, and benefit many students? -Professor Roger Weissberg, University of Illinois at Chicag o

This important new book provides the first in-depth, authoritative and balanced examination of the critical issues pervading Social and Emotional Learning (SEL). The book highlights strengths and flaws in SEL theory and research, and sets the agenda for the next generation of inquiry.

The book investigates key topics such as:

-definitions and conceptualization

-origins and influences

-international policy and practice

-assessment and monitoring

-implementation

-outcomes

It will be valuable to researchers, policy-makers, students, teachers, and anyone interested in the role of schools play in promoting children?s social and emotional wellbeing.

Neil Humphrey is Professor of Psychology of Education at the University of Manchester

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Year
2013
ISBN
9781446292211

1

Introduction

Overview

The aim of this chapter is to provide the reader with a broad overview of the field of social and emotional learning (SEL) and a rationale for this book. In doing so I touch upon some of the key issues that are addressed in more depth later in the text. The chapter concludes with a brief look at the structure and content of the book in order to give the reader a sense of what is to follow.
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Key Points
  • SEL is a dominant orthodoxy in education systems across the world.
  • It refers to the process of explicitly developing skills such as empathy and self-regulation in children and adults, typically in school settings.
  • SEL interventions vary in their reach, component structure and prescriptiveness.
  • Research on the implementation and outcomes of SEL programmes has yielded promising results, but there are a number of problematic issues with the current evidence base.

Rationale for the text

SEL is currently the zeitgeist in education. It has captured the imagination of academics, policy-makers and practitioners alike in recent years. To many, SEL is the ‘missing piece’ in the quest to provide effective education for all children and young people (Elias, 1997). They claim that school-based promotion of SEL will lead to a range of positive outcomes for children and young people, including increased social and emotional competence, improvements in academic attainment, better behaviour and reduced mental health problems (Durlak et al., 2011). To others, the increased interest in SEL represents the latest in a series of classroom fads (Paul and Elder, 2007), or a worrying example of the ‘therapeutic turn’ taken recently in education and society more generally (Furedi, 2003, 2009). They argue that SEL is, at best, a waste of time and resources (Craig, 2007). At worst, it is seen as a corrosive influence that distracts schools from their primary purpose of educating children and young people (Ecclestone and Hayes, 2008).

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Points for Reflection

  • What is your view on the role of SEL in education?
The aim of this book is to provide a critical appraisal of the field. What I hope will set it apart from the many other books available on this topic is, firstly, that it will take a balanced, analytical approach throughout. I do not intend to promote SEL as a panacea for all that ails education. Nor do I wish to endorse the argument that it is a potentially damaging influence on children and young people. It is up to you, as the reader, to make up your own mind. I will simply present the evidence as I see it, which brings us to the second distinguishing characteristic of the book: a clear focus on research. The ideas and arguments presented throughout Social and Emotional Learning: A Critical Appraisal are grounded in research findings, drawn from around the world. A truly international scope is – I hope – the third ‘unique selling point’. SEL is a global phenomenon and this is reflected throughout the book. Finally, the analysis presented in these pages benefits from the inclusion of the very latest developments in the field, including a seminal meta-analysis of empirical findings relating to the impact of school-based SEL interventions (Durlak et al., 2011).

What is SEL?

In this brief introductory chapter I hope to highlight some of the key issues that will be addressed in the book. So, where do we begin? A working definition of SEL would certainly be helpful. As we will see in Chapter 2, there is a significant degree of ambiguity and conceptual confusion evident in attempts to set parameters on what is (and is not) SEL (Hoffman, 2009). In the meantime, consider the following widely used definition provided by the Collaborative for Academic, Social and Emotional Learning (CASEL). CASEL define SEL as:
a process for helping children and even adults develop the fundamental skills for life effectiveness. SEL teaches the skills we all need to handle ourselves, our relationships and our work effectively and ethically. These skills include recognising and managing our emotions, developing caring and concern for others, establishing positive relationships, making responsible decisions, and handling challenging situations constructively and ethically. They are the skills that allow children to calm themselves when angry, make friends, resolve conflicts respectfully, and make ethical and safe choices. (http://www.casel.org)

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Points for Reflection

  • How does this definition of SEL fit with your own?
  • What assumptions and values are embedded in the prevailing view of SEL?
Let’s briefly break this definition down. Firstly, SEL is a process. It’s a course of action, a method or practice in which schools engage. Secondly, SEL is for children and adults, each and every member of the school community. Thirdly, SEL teaches skills that we all need and are fundamental for life effectiveness. Thus it is a universal, essential process. Fourthly, the skills endowed through SEL are social-emotional in nature, relating to both intrapersonal (within the individual – such as being able to manage one’s emotions) and interpersonal (between the individual and others – such as establishing positive relationships) domains. The key components of this definition and its assumptions and implications have been critiqued from a variety of perspectives (e.g. Ecclestone and Hayes, 2009; Hoffman, 2009; Watson et al., 2012), but this is something we will address later. For now, it at least gives us a broad idea of what we mean when we talk about social and emotional learning.
SEL has become increasingly important in educational research, policy and practice in recent years. Indeed, it is not unreasonable to suggest that it has perhaps become the dominant orthodoxy in education worldwide. As evidence of this, consider that in the United States (US), a landmark bill was recently introduced to the House of Representatives that changed federal education policy to promote SEL (including, for example, amendments to existing legislation in order to enable funding for teacher training and continuing professional development to be used for SEL programming) (Biggert et al., 2011). Furthermore, in most US states, SEL is integrated into mandated K-12 learning standards, with one state (Illinois) having explicit, free-standing SEL goals and benchmarks (Dusenbury et al., 2011). Educators attempt to meet these standards by implementing one (or more) of a plethora of programmes. There were in excess of 240 of these programmes available a decade ago (CASEL, 2003), a number which is only likely to have increased since then.
A similar picture has emerged in other countries. In England, for example, our last government introduced a range of policy initiatives that either directly or indirectly addressed SEL. The most well-known of these was the social and emotional aspects of learning (SEAL) programme (Department for Children, Schools and Families, 2007; Department for Education and Skills, 2005a), a national strategy which was estimated to be in use in 90 per cent of primary and 70 per cent of secondary schools by 2010 (Humphrey et al., 2010). In Australia, the KidsMatter (early childhood and primary school) and MindMatters (secondary school) SEL initiatives have been rolled out to every state and territory (Ainley et al., 2006; Slee et al., 2009). Education systems in many other nations – including Spain, Portugal, Finland, Singapore, Canada, Sweden and Germany – have also embraced SEL (Marcelino Botín Foundation, 2011).

A taxonomy of SEL

SEL programmes take a variety of forms. To begin to make sense of what can, at first, seem like a bewildering array, it may be useful to consider the following fundamental intervention characteristics. This taxonomy is derived from key reviews and texts in the field (e.g. Durlak et al., 2011; Weare and Nind, 2011; Wilson and Lipsey, 2007). The three dimensions are presented briefly below before each is discussed in more detail.
Firstly, it is possible to distinguish between:
  • universal interventions, developed with the intention of delivery to the entire student body;
  • targeted/indicated interventions, designed to provide focused input for students at risk of (or already experiencing) social, emotional and behavioural difficulties.
It is worth noting that, from the outset, although I make reference to targeted/indicated approaches at certain points, the primary focus of this book is on universal SEL interventions. This is because these approaches are much more closely aligned with the underlying theory, philosophy, assumptions and values of the field (see Chapter 2).
We can also consider the extent to which an intervention pervades different aspects of school life. Typically, distinctions are made between:
  • interventions that emphasise the delivery of a taught curriculum;
  • those designed to change aspects of the school environment or ethos;
  • programmes that involve work with parents and/or the wider community;
  • those that involve some combination of these components.
Finally, we might also consider the level of prescriptiveness inherent in the programme guidance. Here, a distinction is usually made between:
  • interventions that are top-down in nature, providing detailed, structured guidance on implementation procedures, with an implicit assumption that they will be carried out faithfully;
  • programmes that are bottom-up in nature, emphasising flexibility and local adaptation in implementation.
Dimension 1: intervention reach
Perhaps the most basic distinction that can be made in the SEL literature is between programmes that are designed for delivery to the entire student body (‘universal’ interventions) and those that provide focused intervention for those children at risk of or already experiencing social, emotional and behavioural difficulties (‘targeted/indicated’ interventions). Beyond the fundamental difference of their reach, universal and targeted/indicated interventions also differ in a number of other important ways:
  • Universal SEL interventions reflect a preventive approach, where the emphasis is on equipping children and young people with the skills they need to become resilient to the onset of difficulties. Targeted/indicated interventions are, by definition, reactive in nature, and therefore concerned with remediating existing problems.
  • Given their nature and the fact they are often delivered in withdrawal sessions, targeted/indicated interventions can be associated with stigma for participating children; universal interventions are generally considered to be more ‘inclusive’ since every child takes part and there is less focus on within-child problems (Reicher, 2010).
  • Universal SEL interventions tend to be fairly ‘light touch’ in nature, but are typically delivered over a prolonged time period (often throughout the school year); by contrast, targeted/ indicated interventions are more intensive, reflecting the greater needs of the children involved.
  • Research demonstrates greater change in outcomes for children participating in targeted/indicated interventions than for those involved in universal programmes (Wilson and Lipsey, 2007). However, this reflects the fact that there is greater ‘room for improvement’ in key outcome variables among children selected for targeted interventions.
A balance between universal and targeted provision in schools is typically recommended. Indeed, some of the more recently developed programmes incorporate both. Examples include the KidsMatter initiative in Australia (Commonwealth of Australia, 2009) and the SEAL programme in England (Department for Education and Skills, 2006, 2007a). However, research tells us that many schools still work primarily from a ‘reactive’ model. For instance, in a recent scoping survey of school-based provision in England, 71 per cent of schools reported that their central focus was on helping children with existing or developing problems (Vostanis et al., 2012).
Dimension 2: component structure
The second dimension in our SEL taxonomy is the structural composition of the intervention itself. Here we can distinguish between p...

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