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Rooted in Hope: China â Religion â Christianity Vol 1
Festschrift in Honor of Roman Malek S.V.D. on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday
Barbara Hoster, Dirk Kuhlmann, Zbigniew Wesolowski, Barbara Hoster, Dirk Kuhlmann, Zbigniew Wesolowski
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eBook - ePub
Rooted in Hope: China â Religion â Christianity Vol 1
Festschrift in Honor of Roman Malek S.V.D. on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday
Barbara Hoster, Dirk Kuhlmann, Zbigniew Wesolowski, Barbara Hoster, Dirk Kuhlmann, Zbigniew Wesolowski
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This Festschrift is dedicated to the former Director and Editor-in-chief of the Monumenta Serica Institute in Sankt Augustin (Germany), Roman Malek, S.V.D. in recognition of his scholarly commitment to China. The two-volume work contains 40 articles by his academic colleagues, companions in faith, confreres, as well as by the staff of the Monumenta Serica Institute and the China-Zentrum e.V. (China Center). The contributions in English, German and Chinese pay homage to the jubilarian's diverse research interests, covering the fields of Chinese Intellectual History, History of Christianity in China, Christianity in China Today, Other Religions in China, Chinese Language and Literature as well as the Encounter of Cultures.
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History of Christianity in China Geschichte des Christentums in China
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XU GUANGQI, DISCIPLE OF THE LUMINOUS TEACHING
A STUDY OF THE âSTONE INSCRIPTION FOR THE CHURCH OF THE LUMINOUS TEACHINGâ (JINGJIAOTANG BEIJI) AT JIANGZHOU, AROUND 1632
To the most dear Fr. Roman,
who first introduced me
to the research on Chinese Christianity
and always encourages me by lovelingly calling me
âmy last Chinese-Italian Nestorian monk.â
who first introduced me
to the research on Chinese Christianity
and always encourages me by lovelingly calling me
âmy last Chinese-Italian Nestorian monk.â
Many know Xu Guangqi ćŸć
ć (1562â1633) as a great Chinese scientist, mathematician, astronomer and agronomist.1 Fewer know him as the Christian convert baptized in 1603 with the name Paulus, who became âla magior colonnaâ2 (the greatest pillar) of Christianity in late Ming China, as he was defined by Matteo Ricci (1552â1610) and Nicolas Trigault (1577â1628). Even fewer have heard of him as he defined himself at least twice in his writings, namely, âdisciple of the Luminous Teachingâ (jingjiao houxue æŻæćŸćž). âLuminous Teachingâ (jingjiao æŻæ) was one of the names of Christianity during the Tang dynasty (618â 907), as witnessed by the famous âNestorianâ stele (Da Qin jingjiao liuxing Zhongguo bei 性秊æŻææ”èĄäžćçą, lit., âStele of the Propagation of the Luminous Teaching from Da Qin in Chinaâ) that was fortuitously unearthed in Xiâan in 1623.
Xu Guangqi calls himself âjingjiao houxueâ once in the colophon of the short work Tuiyan zhengdao lun æšé©æŁéè« (Tracing Back the Orthodox Way), âcomposed by Wang Yiyuan çäžć
[Alfonso Vagnone, 1566â1640], hao è Taiwen æł°ç©©, Jesuit of the Extreme West, and edited by Xu Guangqi, hao Xuanhu çæ, of Yunjian éČé, disciple of the Luminous Teaching.â3 This work was composed in 1609 or 1610 by Vagnone and edited by Xu Guangqi after the spring of 1625, when the discovery of the âNestorianâ monument in Xiâan was first mentioned. The second time Xu introduces himself as âjingjiao houxueâ is in the colophon of the collection of poems Shengjiao guijie zhenzan èæèŠèȘĄçźŽ èŽ (Exhortations of the Holy Teaching), âcomposed by Xu Guangqi of Wusong ćłæ·, disciple of the Luminous Teaching.â4
We know that after the discovery of the Xiâan Christian monument, Xu Guangqi was not the only Chinese convert to apply this name to his new Christian identity. The Fujianese brothers Stephanus Li Jiubiao æäčæš (d. 1646?) and Thomas Li Jiugong æäčć (d. 1681) are two well-known examples.5 Similarly, from 1625 and up to around 1660, some Christian churches were renamed as jingjiaotang æŻæć (churches of the Luminous Teaching).6 To my knowledge, these are the churches of Fuzhou çŠć·,7 Jinjiang ææ±, and Wenling æș«é” (the ancient name of Quanzhou æłć·) in Min é© (later called Fujian çŠć»ș); Jiangzhou ç”łć· in Shanxi ć±±è„ż; Hangzhou æć· in Zhejiang æ”æ±, and even Beijing ćäșŹ during the late Ming. A certain number of Jesuit books were printed by these jingjiaotang, as we see from their title pages.
For the jingjiao church at Jiangzhou Paul Xu Guangqi wrote an inscription, which bears the title Jingjiaotang beiji æŻæć çąèš (Stone Inscription for the Church of the Luminous Teaching) with no date, but datable to around 1632. Differently from most of the Christian works by Xu Guangqi, this text is one of the few whose authorship has never been doubted. It is significant that Wang Zhongmin çéæ°, perhaps the most skeptical among the scholars who edited Xuâs texts, included the inscription for the jingjiao church at Jiangzhou among the few religious work contained in his collection.8 Curiously enough, however, no scholar has yet undertaken to study it carefully and translate it into a Western language. Even Wang Xiaochao çææ, who included and translated several works by Xu Guangqi into English in his book Christianity and Imperial Culture, in the case of the inscription for the jingjiao church at Jiangzhou only reproduces the Chinese text without supplying an English translation.9
In western literature I found only three scholars who made short references to the inscription. Paul Pelliot mentions the Jiangzhou inscription twice in his posthumous work on the Xiâan Christian inscription. In a footnote he writes that âvers 1630, Siu Kouang-kâi [Xu Guangqi] composa pour lâĂ©glise que les frĂšres Han venaient de faire construire Ă Kiang-tcheou [Jiangzhou] une inscription æŻæ ć çą King-kiao-tâang-pei [Jingjiaotang bei], dont le texte nous a Ă©tĂ© conservĂ© aux ff. 7â10 du Hi tchâao tchâong tcheng tsi [Xichao chongzheng ji çæćŽæŁé].â10 A few pages ahead, he writes:
Il y a en effet un autre texte [âŠ] oĂč Siu Kouang-kâi mentionne la dĂ©couverte de lâinscription de Si-ngan-fou: câest son inscription rĂ©digĂ©e vers 1630 pour lâĂ©glise de Kiang-tcheou, et dont le texte nous a Ă©tĂ© conservĂ© dans le Hi tchâao tchâong tcheng tsi. Il y parle du christianisme prĂȘchĂ© en Chine avant Ricci, et ajoute quââon le connaĂźt par lâinscription des Tâang trouvĂ©e en [lâannĂ©e] koueihai [guihai çžäș„] de [la pĂ©riode] tâian-kâi [tianqi 怩ć] par des gens qui creusaient la terre au Kouan-tchong [Guanzhong éäž] (câest-Ă -dire Ă Si-nganfou).â11
Wang Xiaochao says that the Reading Notes on the Inscription of the Luminous Religion, as he translates the title, âtalk about the Nestorian mission in China.â12 Erik ZĂŒrcher in a footnote of his last major work on Li Jiubiaoâs Kouduo richao ćŁéžæ„æ (Diary of Oral Admonitions, ca. 1640) points out that the inscription is âmuch inspired by the famous Nestorian inscription of 781.â13
The occasion for asking Xu Guangqi to compose an inscription was the construction of a residence for the missionaries with a church at Jiangzhou, which was financed by âtwo second-degree graduates from the Han é family,â namely Han Yun ééČ (zi Jingbo æŻäŒŻ), juren èäșș in 1612, baptised as Stephanus (Ătienne), probably before 1620, and Han Lin éé (zi Yugong éšć
Ź, hao Yuâan ćŻèŽ, ca. 1600â1649), juren in 1621, baptised as Thomas by Aleni in Jiangzhou in 1620. The network of the Jiangzhou community, which after the visits of Aleni and Trigault respectively in 1620 and 1625 was entrusted to Vagnone (with Giacomo Rho helping for five years, 1625â1630), was centered around the Han family.14 After passing the juren examination, Han Lin made the acquaintance of Xu Guangqi, and this friendship was most probably the reason for having the inscription for the church at Jiangzhou composed by Xu Guangqi. Xu reports the first steps of the Catholic mission in Jiangzhou in the following terms:
Recently a few virtuous men [i.e., the missionaries] travelled around Qin 秊 [Shaanxi éè„ż province] and Jin æ [Shanxi ć±±è„żprovince], where local prominent gentlemen invited them to reside. In Jiang 申 [Jiangzhou 申ć·] of Jin, there were indeed two second-degree graduates from the Han é family, whose deep and sincere trust led them to plan to build a residence [for the missionaries] and to provide their co-practitioners of the Way with simple accommodations. So they selected a place in the southwestern part of the city and financed the construction, furnishing rooms with several pillars. For that reason they then wrote to me at a distance of several thousand li to commission me [to compose] an inscription.15
But a deeper study of the inscription composed by Xu Guangqi for the church at Jiangzhou reveals that it is more than a simple memorial.16 It is an extremely valuable document that further witnesses to the âstrategyâ of both the Jesuits (in particular Giulio Aleni [1582â1649],17 and Manuel Dias jr. [1574â1659]) and the Chinese converts (in particular Li Zhizao æäčè»18 [1565â1630], and Xu Guangqi) to emphasize how Tang Christianity was a distinguished ancestor of the Catholic mission. It is one of the elements that reveal a âJesuit appropriationâ of Tang Christianity, as I call it, which quickly developed and spread in the Jesuit milieus in China and Europe after the discovery of the Xiâan Christian stele in 1623.19 The discovery of the eighth-century stone was indeed a major historical event for the Jesuit missionaries in China, who for several decades had been engaged in the process of trying to ease the closed door of Chinese culture open. This was an opportunity they could not miss. It was particularly meaningful because, âas tangible evidence of the antiquity of Christianity, [âŠ] the monument was the ideal prop for converting the people of China, who would generally be less likely to revere a teaching that could be considered a novelty.â20
We know that Xu Guangqi himself, soon after the discovery of the Xiâan monument, made one or more editions of the text of the inscription, perhaps with notes and commentary, asked a stone facsimile to be made, with the probable aim of spreading the text through a large number of rubbings,21 and supported the first partial translation of the stele into Portuguese.22 Unfortunately, we do not have Xuâs edition and commentary of the Xiâan stele. What we have, are two works that mention extensively the discovery of the 781 stele and its content. The first is a short dissertation on iron crosses (Tie shizi zhu é”ććè, 1627).23 The second is the Jingjiaotang beiji (Stone Inscription for the Church of the Luminous Teaching) to which this essay is devoted.
Written to answer the question why the doctrine preached by the scholars from the West had not been heard long before, Xu Guangqiâs inscription gives arguments for the evidence that âthe Heavenly Teaching (tianjiao 怩æ) existed in China for over a thousand yearsâ on the basis of the discovery of the Tang stele. Xu is therefore one of several Chinese converts who identified the Catholic religion brought to China by Matteo Ricci and his Jesuit brothers, which was known in those years as the âHeavenly Studiesâ or âHeavenly Doctrineâ (tianxue 怩ćž), with the âLuminous Teachingâ (jingjiao æŻæ) that had entered China during the Tang dynasty.24 Li Zhizao was the first to make this identification in his writings: âThe tianxue was called jingjiao during the Tang dynasty. It was introduced into China in the ninth year of the Zhenguan èČè§ period (635). It already has a history of one thousand years.â25
Xu Guangqi opens his inscription in a classical way, namely with the summary of the introduction of Christianity in China by Matteo Ricci, who through his books âintroduced [the Chinese] to the knowledge of the Brilliant Lord (Mingzhu æäž»), speaking [of Him] with subtle language and introducing them to the good qualities of his doctrine, so that lear...