Chapter 1
Introduction
The study of Islamic origins, whether focussing on the QurÉÄn, its exegesis (tafsÄ«r), the life of the Prophet (sÄ«ra), jurisprudence (fiqh), or even Arabic grammar (nacw), has been largely confounded by a growing scepticism. While many scholars of Islam still have no qualms about the authenticity of purportedly early Islamic texts, many others have serious reservations. At the crux of this debate is the value scholars assign to the chain of transmitters (the isnÄd), which is intended to demonstrate the authenticity and indicate the provenance of the tradition (áž„adÄ«th) or book of which it is a part. The isnÄd is seen either as reasonably reliable guarantee of the historicity of its adjoining text (the matn), or as a complete fabrication designed to insinuate chronological priority and hence authority into a later matn.1 Scholars holding the latter view look, not to the isnÄd, but often to the matn itself to provide answers to the questions of its own chronology and provenance. These two approaches to isnÄds are indicative of the approaches to early Islamic texts in general. If the consequences of this disagreement amounted to a simple debate about whether a given áž„adÄ«th or text is authentic, they would not be particularly noteworthy. Unfortunately, the consequences are far more grave. The scholars on each side of the debate have produced descriptions of Islamic origins that are radically different and mutually exclusive. So different are the methods used and the conclusions reached by sceptical scholars from those of more sanguine scholars that they have come to an impasse.
AN EXPERIMENT USING EXEGETICAL កADÄȘTHS
Not surprisingly therefore, the first of two purposes of this study is to help resolve this impasse. To do so I will draw on the methods of both groups of scholars. More specifically, I will determine if there is a correlation between the results of an isnÄd-analysis and of a literary analysis of matns, in order to evaluate the historical value of isnÄds. The initial question to be answered is, of course, where to begin? IsnÄds are ubiquitous in the literature of early Islam. áž„adÄ«ths, composed of matns and isnÄds, are particularly prominent in the legal, historical, and exegetical texts. Exegetical áž„adÄ«ths are an especially practical and valuable subset of the áž„adÄ«ths with which to delve into the questions of the authenticity of isnÄds and, hence, áž„adÄ«ths as a whole. Not only has this genre been somewhat neglected, but it also: (1) involves áž„adÄ«ths concerned with the most important text of Islam, the QurÉÄn; (2) contains a vast number of áž„adÄ«ths, many of which have isnÄds which cite the important transmitters of the áž„adiths of the other genres; (3) encompasses the historical, and legal genres insofar as they relate to the QurÉÄn; and (4) adduces hadÄ«ths which initially seem to be immune from the sectarian and legal debates and competition which may have affected the reliability of other áž„adÄ«ths. These considerations make exegetical áž„adÄ«ths ideal for testing the reliability of the isnÄd system.
AbĆ« Jacfar Muáž„ammad ibn JarÄ«r al-áčŹabarÄ« (d. 311/923) is one of Islamâs most respected early historians and exegetes, and his JÄmic al-bayÄn fÄ« taÉwÄ«l Äy al-QurÉÄn, also known as the TafsÄ«r of al-áčŹabarÄ«, is the first substantial compilation of the opinions of the earliest quranic exegetes. Though the TafsÄ«r is not exclusively a compilation, it does contain a vast number of exegetical áž„adÄ«ths purporting to provide the exegetical opinions of the earliest generations of Muslims, the Companions of the Prophet, their Successors, and the Successors of the Successors. Thus, it may serve as a valuable repository of Muslim thought and practice during Islamâs formative period. This is not to say that I am assuming, like most Muslim scholars and many Western scholars,2 that the TafsÄ«r contains the authentic words of the earlier exegetes, and most, if not all, of the material available to al-áčŹabarÄ«. Such assumptions may be simply untenable given the doubts raised by John Wansbrough about the authenticity of all early Muslim written sources in general3 and those raised by Ignaz Goldziher and Joseph Schacht about the authenticity of both the isnÄds and the matns of the áž„adÄ«th literature in particular.4 Though these doubts were raised with respect to the prophetic áž„adÄ«ths of the legal realm, their similarity in form and content with the exegetical áž„adÄ«ths suggest the same doubts may apply.5 Consequently, to make such assumptions would be tantamount to assuming what I hope to prove.
Analysizing each of the 38,397 áž„adÄ«ths6 (many with multiple isnÄds) in the TafsÄ«r is impractical. Therefore it is necessary to restrict the number of áž„adÄ«ths to be examined. There are several ways to do this: random selection of áž„adÄ«ths, selecting áž„adÄ«ths from several sĆ«ras or specific verses, or selecting a particular exegete. While all three methods may, in various ways, be non-representative of the áž„adÄ«ths in al-áčŹabarÄ« as a whole, the first two methods are more likely to be so because many isnads are not distributed uniformly over the entire QurÉÄn and some are completely absent from large sections in the TafsÄ«r. However, if an appropriate exegete were chosen, one who appears throughout the TafsÄ«r and in various different isnÄds, this problem could be overcome. Fortunately, the TafsÄ«r contains an excellent candidate and one who is worthy of study in his own right. He is seen by some scholars of quranic exegesis as the earliest and most respected quranic exegete, one who cannot be gainsaid, and by others as the (fictional or mythic) personification of consensus of the early SunnÄ« community. In either case, there is no other quranic exegete of his stature. In many ways, he is to exegetical áž„adÄ«ths what Muáž„ammad is to legal áž„adÄ«ths. This exegete is, of course, cAbd AllÄh ibn cAbbÄs (d. 67â8/ 686â8), the Prophetâs paternal cousin and ancestor of the cAbbÄsid dyna...