One-Word stage

8 Key excerpts on "One-Word stage"

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  Introducing Linguistics

  Theoretical and Applied Approaches

  • Joyce Bruhn de Garavito, John W. Schwieter(Authors)
  • 2021(Publication Date)
  • Cambridge University Press

    (Publisher)

  12.5.1 The One-Word stage When you think about it, we see the development of L1 syntax when children use a single word in cases where adults would say several words. We call this the One-Word stage. These single words are called holophrases. For example, at around 12 to 18 months, a child may say, juice to make a request for more juice to be served. Perhaps this is not surprising because they do not yet know the syntax to construct the full sentence I want juice let alone Can I have some juice? Other holophrase examples include: Daddy for I want daddy; Up for Pick me up; and Gone for The cereal is gone. Research has shown, however, that children do not choose which word to be the holophrase randomly. The word is the most meaningful word in the adult equivalent. 12.5.2 The Two-word Stage A few months after speaking in one-word utterances, by around 24 months of age, chil- dren enter a two-word stage. Some of the first two-word utterances may in fact be two holophrases from the One-Word stage such as juice gone. Soon after this, though, they will begin to create other two-word utterances that are syntactically ordered correctly, meaningful, and context-appropriate. Examples of utterances in the two-word stage can be seen in Table 12.11. The table also shows that we can characterize the examples by several relational meanings. Relational meaning refers to the semantic relationship between the referents of the two words in question. Roger Brown (1973) showed that children use eight different rela- tional meanings in the two-word stage. TABLE 12.11 Examples of Two-word Utterances Child utterance Intended meaning Relational meaning Daddy shirt Daddy is putting on a shirt. agent + action bounce ball I bounced the ball. action + theme doggy water The doggy has water. agent + theme Mommy bed Mommy is on the bed. agent + location 435 12.5 Syntactic Development 12.5.3 The Telegraphic Stage You may have been expecting a three-word stage to come next.

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  Educational Psychology N5 SB

  TVET FIRST

  • M Adam(Author)
  • 2017(Publication Date)
  • Macmillan

    (Publisher)

  • Begins to say single-word utterances to express complex ideas. • Produces simple utterances to express complex ideas. • Non-grammatical, forms the foundation of a child’s vocabulary. • Used in conjunction with body language, context and tone of voice. • The child moves to the next stage once he or she can speak in successive one-word sentences. Advice for parents during this stage: • Engage in constant conversation with the child. • Reciprocate responses from the child positively. • Avoid using baby language, e.g. “woof-woof” for “dog”. • “Food” may mean ‘Give me food”. • “Up” may mean “Pick me up”. • “Play” may mean “I want to play now”. Telegraphic (two-word) stage 18–24 months • The child uses simple two-word sentences. • Sentences have a predicate and a subject. • General language, syntax and word learning occurs. Advice for parents during this stage: • Repeat what the child says in a complete, grammatically correct sentence. • Use short, simple phrases to help the child learn proper grammar. • Use sentences that you would use with an adult. • “Doggie walk” may mean “The dog is being walked”. • “Daddy shoe” may mean “Daddy’s shoe”. • “Baby shoe” may mean “My shoe”. • “Mummy eat” may mean “Did mummy eat?” • “Baby sleeping” may mean “Baby is sleeping”. holophrastic: expressing a whole phrase or thought in a single word telegraphic: very concise, leaving out any words that are not essential; in this context, using short, two-word phrases 66 Name of stage Age of child Description Examples Multi-word stage 24–36 months • Sentences become longer and more complex. • Characterised by more complex sentence structure. • Sentences include plurals and past tenses. • Children leave out “unnecessary” words like conjunctions and prepositions. • Self-centred and used mainly to express children’s own needs and desires. Advice for parents during this stage: • Talk and listen to the child. • Sing songs together. • Answer questions in fluent sentences.

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  The Development of Language

  • Martyn Barrett(Author)
  • 2016(Publication Date)
  • Psychology Press

    (Publisher)

  The developmental lexical principle model attributes significance to the role of input and experience in the construction of linguistic knowledge. This perspective is reminiscent of Schlesinger’s (1982) Word-Referent Pairing Model. Two major arguments that were made by Schlesinger reappear in the present framework. The first is that initially children match words with single referents on the basis of a simple one-to-one mapping strategy. The second is that early words are not labels for pre-defined concepts, but rather they facilitate the gradual construction of underlying concepts. Schlesinger holds the view that the formulation of cognitive categories that underlie words (i.e. protoverbal elements in Schlesinger’s terminology) is gradual. He contends that category formation is dependent on interactional linguistic experiences between the child and the adult, and is also based on the child’s growing cognitive abilities (i.e. the child’s ability to attend to non-verbal cues, to match words with non-linguistic referents, and to form categories on the basis of accumulating positive and negative cues). According to Schlesinger, covert but active processes, by which the child compares his assumptions on a word’s meaning to linguistic evidence he gathers from the linguistic input, bring the child to appreciate the categorical nature of words. This process explains why during the initial phase of the One-Word stage new words are accumulated so slowly, and the characteristics of input seem to be so crucial.

  EPILOGUE

  My goal in this chapter was to review the empirical data on early lexical development that have been collected over the last 20 years. The summary of the empirical findings was followed by a condensed presentation of theories that provide explanations of the observed findings, as well as create the basis for new predictions. It was my intention to show that complex interactions among various factors determine the course of early lexical development.

  Past research has indicated that distinctive qualitative differences exist between the course of lexical learning during the first and the second phases of the One-Word stage. During the first few months of production—the preparatory phase—the child learns each word as a special case in a slow rate. Idiosyncratic patterns of word extension are noticed during this phase, and the initial extension of a new word is highly dependent on the characteristics of input and the conditions of modelling. The second phase of the stage is characterised by a much more efficient word learning. It is marked by the lexical spurt phenomenon during which a clear indication for consistent, categorical, and conventional use of new words is documented. During the second phase, words are immediately attached to underlying concepts, and the child shows context-free uses of words. It is assumed that the child’s utilisation of syntactic cues is much greater in the second phase of the stage then it was in the first phase. Following the lexical spurt, the child’s linguistic behaviours are much more directed by internal, cognitive organisation of experiences, rather than by the immediate non-linguistic contexts in which new words are modelled.

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  Pathways to Language

  From Fetus to Adolescent

  • Kyra Karmiloff, Annette Karmiloff-Smith, Kyra KARMILOFF(Authors)
  • 2009(Publication Date)
  • Harvard University Press

    (Publisher)

  As we saw, she is also par-ticularly sensitive to stress patterns. Such clues help the infant learn to segment the stream of sounds into separate words. They also as-sist her in recognizing the presence of the same word when it ap-pears in different linguistic contexts, or when it is pronounced by different speakers, both of which dramatically alter the acoustic sig-nal of individual words. Although segmentation is vital for preparing the infant for speech, learning the lexicon of one’s language involves far more than simply distinguishing word boundaries. What is a “word” any-way? If you try to define this term, you will see just how difficult it is. The Oxford English Dictionary defines a “word” as “a sound or com-bination of sounds forming a meaningful element of speech.” But this is inadequate because words also break down into even smaller l e a r n i n g a b o u t t h e m e a n i n g o f w o r d s 57 units of meaning known as morphemes. These include parts of words such as “ed,” which conveys past tense (“walked,” “painted,” “cleaned”) or “er,” which conveys the concept of agent (“butcher,” “dancer,” “teacher”). Although morphemes convey meaning, they are not referential in isolation: they have to be attached to the stem of a word. A word, on the other hand, can on its own refer to or symbolize an object, action, event, person, abstract thought, and so forth. So how does the infant learn that words are actually meaning-ful, referential symbols? There are few clues in the words them-selves (apart from onomatopoeic words such as “sizzle,” “crack,” or “moo”). On the whole, however, the sounds that form individual words are completely arbitrary.

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  Consciousness and the Acquisition of Language

  • Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Hugh J. Silverman(Authors)
  • 1979(Publication Date)
  • Northwestern University Press

    (Publisher)

  In this case, as in other less clear-cut situations, we are talking about a true organization of imitated models and never of pure and simple reception and reproduction. (We will examine this problem of imitation further.) B. After Three Years Can we distinguish other stages that follow? This seems difficult to do. Stern has distinguished the passing from word to sentence. However, this is not a very well-defined stage, since the first words always have a sentence value, even though the strict distinction is debatable. Other people distinguish different stages according to the growth of vocabulary and take stock of the child's linguistic knowledge at different ages. There have been a number of studies 20 / CONSCIOUSNESS AND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION of this nature with disconcerting and always disappointing re- sults. Mme Descoeudres evaluated the vocabulary of children at about three and a half years and on this basis established tests to avoid the necessity of repeating the evaluation each time. 17 The results are varied. (Stern found 300 words at two years; Deville, 688; Major, 142.) What is the reason for this diversity of results? I. There is a lack of an exact definition of what must count as a word. (Do two suffixes for one root count as two words, or one word? The same for flectional endings, etc.) 2. The working vocabulary of an adult, as well as a child, is muoh more limited than the vocabulary he understands or which he would know how to use if he really felt the necessity. (Vendryes has said that this virtual vocabulary is impossible to inventory.) 18 One ,cannot consider linguistic equipment as a summation of words. Rather, we must appeal to systems of varia- tion that render an open series of words possible. This cannot be explored further here. It is a totality of open sectors with infinite possibilities of expression.

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  Language Development and Education

  Children With Varying Language Experiences

  • P. Menyuk, M. Brisk(Authors)
  • 2005(Publication Date)
  • Palgrave Macmillan

    (Publisher)

  During the two-word stage they express two of the structures shown, and when in the three-word stage all parts of the utterance. Bilingual children go through the same stages of semantax develop- ment as monolinguals, on the whole, but there is conflicting evidence as to whether bilingual children start with one or two syntactic sys- tems. It is often difficult to determine what system is being acquired because of the limited amount of language that is used early on, and the fact that babies use words in both languages. Most researchers presently believe that infant bilinguals develop two syntactic and mor- phological systems from the start. The systems develop independently following the order and constraints typical of each language but influenced by the fact that the child is developing two languages (Bialystok, 2001; DeHouwer, 1995). Language Development in Infancy 13 Sentence Speech act Subject Verb Object (Question) (Negative) (Imperative) (Declarative) Figure 1.1 Early sentence structure Structures with the same function may be acquired at different times in each language depending on the level of difficulty of that structure in the language. Sometimes bilingual children will use the easier struc- ture in both languages, as an interim strategy, until they learn the more difficult structure. In other cases acquisition in one language facilitates acquisition in the other. For example, Burling’s (1959) child acquired the conditional structure in Garo quite early because it is an easier structure in that language than in English. When the family moved back to the U.S., the child started using the conditional in English before his monolingual English-speaking peers did so. Once bilingual children have two-or three-word sentences they use the proper word order for each of their languages. If one language is dominant the syntax of that language is also initially dominant.

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  Understanding Child Development

  Psychological Perspectives and Applications

  • Sara Meadows(Author)
  • 2017(Publication Date)
  • Routledge

    (Publisher)

  Chapter 6 Language Development

  ■ Infants’ Perception of Speech Sounds

  ■ Infants’ Production of Speech Sounds

  ■ Beginning to Use Words

  ■ Words and Their Functions: Using Words as Names

  ■ Constraints on Learning New Words

  ■ The Growth of Vocabulary

  ■ From Single Words to Sentences

  ■ Language Acquisition Devices

  ■ Language Acquisition Principles

  ■ Language Acquisition Support Systems

  ■ Children’s Metalinguistic Behaviour

  ■ Children with Specific Language Impairment

  ■ Biological Bases of Language Development

  Language development has been one of the most enthusiastically discussed areas of child development. There have been proposals that it is genetically programmed in ways built up by evolution and wired into the brain, and proposals that it is all down to exposure to others’ language. And because we all think language is enormously important and want the best sort of development, there has been a lot of debate and a lot of posturing in defence of quite extreme positions. The truer picture is more complicated, more developmental and more embedded. The development of language provides a good example of epigenesis, and its later stages also involve consideration of eco-systems.

  Human infants clearly start with a great many capacities and pieces of behaviour suited to language, but they are also born into communities which use language and expect the infant to use it too. On the whole, all except the severely impaired develop language in similar ways, though at varying rates: but the details of the language and how it is used are heavily influenced by the child’s experience. Through development, language functions as a means of communication, as a means of reflecting on and re-organising experience, and as a way to receive and transform the accumulated knowledge and values of the community. Using language is thus a central part of human existence. (For reviews, see Clark 2016; MacWhinney 2015; Meadows 2006.)

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  The Language of Early Childhood

  Volume 4

  • M.A.K. Halliday, Jonathan J. Webster(Authors)
  • 2004(Publication Date)
  • Continuum

    (Publisher)

  The learning of one's mother tongue is described as comprising three phases: Phase I, the child's initial functional-linguistic system; Phase II, the transition from this system to that of the adult language; Phase III, the learning of the adult language. The first two phases are the subject of Chapter 3, 'Early Language Learning: A Sociolinguistic Approach', in which Professor Halliday maps out the steps in Nigel's language development from protolanguage to adult language. The difference between protolanguage as a system and adult language being that [protolanguage] consists of a semantics and phonology (or other expressive means) with no lexicogrammar in between. This chapter also focuses on Nigel's development of protolanguage during the period from 9 to 12 months. We see how Nigel's use of language progresses from the pragmatic and active end of the scale -using language to get what he wants (instrumental), and making requests (regulatory) — to the communal and reflective — using language as a way of being together (interactional) and expressing his own thoughts and feelings (personal). Interpreting Nigel's language development as a sociosemiotic process is the subject of Chapter 4, 'A Sociosemiotic Perspective on Language Development'. Incorporated into these two chapters are portions of another paper, 'One Child's Protolanguage' (1979). Chapter 5, 'Meaning and the Construction of Reality in Early Childhood', approaches language development in terms of intersub-jective creativity, in which Learning to mean is a process of creation, whereby a child constructs, in interaction with those around, a semiotic potential that gives access to the edifice of meanings that constitute social reality. A child creates meaning through interacting with others. The child constructs reality through intersubjective acts of meaning. This view of language development as a process of intersubjective creation, whereby a child, in interaction with significant others — 4

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