Psychology
Depression VS Sadness
Depression is a clinical mental health condition characterized by persistent feelings of sadness, hopelessness, and loss of interest in activities. It often involves physical symptoms and can significantly impact daily functioning. Sadness, on the other hand, is a normal emotional response to difficult situations or events and is typically temporary. While sadness is a common human experience, depression is a more severe and long-lasting condition.
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10 Key excerpts on "Depression VS Sadness"
eBook - PDFGrifting Depression
Psychiatry's Failure as a Medical Science
- Allan M. Leventhal(Author)
- 2022(Publication Date)
Why? At the heart of the problem is a lost distinction between sadness, a normal response to losses in life, and depression, a mental dis- order. It has become customary for our doctors to tell us quite easily that we are “depressed,” that we are ill, when in reality most are suffering from a normal psychological reaction to stressful life experiences, not an illness. It may be hard to imagine that so many doctors can be wrong, but the odds are that when someone feels down, listless, has difficulty concentrating, has feelings of inadequacy and lowered effectiveness, is irritable, and has sleep problems—alleged to be symptoms of depression—they are not suffering from a disease or a disorder. They are in pain, but they are reacting as should be expected to a loss encountered in their lives. They are sad. 8 | Grifting Depression During the past year or so, the association between sadness and loss has been made obvious by the social and economic losses associated with combating Covid- 19. Referring to the response as “depression” rather than “sadness” confuses things. The point is: Loss leading to sadness is very common in life; it is not an illness. At this point, some may shake their heads. If it walks like a duck and quacks like a duck, what’s the difference? Who cares about the semantics? If it were a question of semantics there would be no need for a book like this, but it is not a question of semantics. Sadness and depression are two very different creatures— even if they manifest early on in many similar ways. For centuries, the distinction was clear. It is only since 1980 that doctors have erased the difference—to the detriment of millions of people. Let’s examine what we have reason to know: Sadness is a normal, natural response to big and small losses in life; for example, the loss of an important rela- tionship, income, status, or self-esteem.
eBook - PDF- Mario Maj, Norman Sartorius(Authors)
- 2003(Publication Date)
- Wiley(Publisher)
The main differentiating features of the depressed mood from the non- morbid emotional reaction of sadness are as follows. The intensity and the depth of the pain become so unbearable that often the death wish provides a comforting remedy. The sadness and the associated feelings pervade all domains of personal life and impact on the individual’s social performance. The depressed mood lasts long enough to be felt as an unalterable affective state. It may occur spontaneously but, even if it has been triggered by a life event, it evolves autonomously, dissociated from that event, and resists being changed through reasoning or encouragement. It is associated with cognitive and somatic symptoms (guilt, self-reproach, suicidal thoughts and a variety of unpleasant and painful bodily sensations) that are not commonly encountered in non-depressed mood states. Anhedonia — Loss of Interest Anhedonia and loss of interest are symptoms closely associated with the depressed mood, varying in intensity along with the feeling of sadness. Patients are unable to express emotions, even their own psychic pain. They are unable to draw pleasure from previously enjoyable activities or to preserve their interests and affections. In severe cases they disregard and abandon most of the things they valued in life. Yet to a great extent they retain insight of their own inability to experience and express normal emotions and this intensifies their suffering. Cognitive Disturbances Difficulty in concentrating, negative thoughts, low self-esteem and self- confidence, hopelessness, self-depreciation and self-reproach, a sense of worthlessness and sinfulness, negative outlook on the world and suicidal thoughts are some of the most common cognitive features accompanying the depressed person’s state of feeling. If these thoughts are many, persistent and not amenable to change by reason, they are regarded as delusions and qualify for the diagnosis of mood-congruent (delusional-psychotic) depression.
eBook - ePubDepression
Current Perspectives in Research and Treatment
- Gary Christopher(Author)
- 2023(Publication Date)
- Routledge(Publisher)
Chapter 1 What is depression?DOI: 10.4324/9781315688879-1Defining depression
Even though there is a surfeit of books in the market now providing instruction on how to be happy—which is a good thing, on the whole—it is essential to know that we cannot expect to always feel positive. That is just not achievable. It is not realistic. Some days we wake ready to take on the challenge of another day; other days, we would instead prefer to stay wrapped up in our beds. This is usual. We have all experienced times in our lives when we feel down. Such feelings often accompany times of significant change. We spend most of our lives either in school or at work, and each of us knows the challenges that these bring. Even though we may feel downhearted at times, most of us are adept at bouncing back. These feelings do not last long. They may last for a few days, maybe a couple of weeks, but then we begin to feel our equilibrium restored and can cope with life as usual. In depression, this does not happen. Instead, such feelings continue for months, sometimes years, and take over a person’s life.Distinguishing between clinical depression and non-clinical mood states remains problematic. The most appropriate way to view depression, as it is with many mental health conditions, is to envisage a continuum of increasing severity (1 ). However, the severity of symptoms is not the only characteristic to mark out those who meet the diagnostic criteria for depression. In addition, the duration and persistence of these symptoms and the level of functional impairment the individual experiences help clinicians decide upon an accurate diagnosis.The Fifth Edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, or DSM-5 (2
- David Pilgrim, Anne Rogers, Bernice Pescosolido, David Pilgrim, Anne Rogers, Bernice Pescosolido(Authors)
- 2010(Publication Date)
- SAGE Publications Ltd(Publisher)
They also reveal how deeply depression is embedded in the cultural and social conditions. For this reason, it is crucial to look at depression in its cultural context and to consider its social determinants. Pilgrim and Bentall (1999) point out that using existing clinical definitions, two individuals with completely different symptoms could be diagnosed with the same condition. This is because depression and its diagnostic criteria overlap with other conditions to such an extent that it is most often impossible to distinguish in a particular case between depression, anxiety or even medical conditions, such as chronic fatigue syndrome (Pilgrim and Bentall, 1999). Some theorists thus see depression as existing on a continuum with ‘normal’ states (Schwartz, 2000). However, others see it as cat-egorically different and not related to ‘normal’ states of unhappiness or sadness. Kleinman and Good (1985) in a study of the relevance of the concept of depres-sion across culture argue that depression differs depending on who identifies and defines it. For clinicians, they comment, ‘depression is a common, often severe, sometimes mortal disease with characteristic affective (sadness, irritability, joy-lessness), cognitive (difficulty concentrating, memory disturbance) and vegetative (sleep, appetite, energy disturbances) complaints which has a typical course and predictable response rates to treatment’ (Kleinman and Good, 1985: 9). Following Foucault (1973) and Porter (2002), Bendelow (2009) argues that ‘across most of “western” society the growth of scientific medicine in general and psychiatry in particular has meant that medicalization has been the most dominant means of response [to emotional instability] since the nineteen century’ (Bendelow, 2009: 81).
eBook - ePubUnderstanding Depression
Feminist Social Constructionist Approaches
- Janet Stoppard(Author)
- 2014(Publication Date)
- Routledge(Publisher)
Definitional debatesDOI: 10.4324/9781315787961-3In the previous chapter, I discussed different meanings of the term depression and drew a distinction between the way mental health professionals and researchers use this word and how it is used by ordinary people. When used by professionals and researchers, the word depression normally means depressive disorder or depressive symptoms (these terms were defined in Chapter 1 ). In this chapter, I discuss these two ways of conceptualizing depression in more detail, considering how they are employed in practise and also examining the assumptions on which they are based. An issue of particular interest to researchers and professionals (especially those in North America) is the need to distinguish between depressive disorder and depressive symptoms. Although these two ways of conceptualizing depression can be differentiated, they also have features in common which distinguish them from a third way of understanding depression, depressive experiences. When depression is understood in this way, the perspective shifts from that of researchers and professionals to that of women who are depressed, with a focus on subjective experiences.In the theoretical approaches to Explaining Depression in Women discussed in Part II , depression has been conceptualized as either depressive disorder or depressive symptoms. If considered at all, women’s depressive experiences serve mainly as a resource used by researchers and professionals for diagnosing depressive disorder or for establishing the presence of depressive symptoms. Thus women’s depressive experiences are not of direct interest in most positivist approaches to research and professional practise. From a feminist perspective, in contrast, women’s reports of their depressive experiences are viewed as having meaning in their own right. Such accounts provide a basis for exploring subjectivity, specifically women’s depressive experiences and their understandings of depression, and how both are shaped by discursive conditions within the sociocultural context of their everyday lives.1
eBook - PDF- Angela L. Williams(Author)
- 2019(Publication Date)
- Omnigraphics(Publisher)
Part Two Types of Depression 45 Chapter 7 Major Depression What Is Major Depression? Major depression is a medical condition distinguished by one or more major depressive episodes. A major depressive episode is char-acterized by at least two weeks of depressed mood or loss of interest (pleasure) and accompanied by at least four more symptoms of depres -sion. Such symptoms can include changes in appetite, weight, difficulty in thinking and concentrating, and recurrent thoughts of death or suicide. Depression differs from feeling “blue” in that it causes severe enough problems to interfere with a person s day-to-day functioning. People s experience with major depression varies. some people describe it as a total loss of energy or enthusiasm to do anything. Others may describe it as constantly living with a feeling of impending doom. There are treatments that help improve functioning and relieve many symptoms of depression. Recovery is possible! How Common Is Major Depression? Major depression is a common psychiatric disorder. It is more com-mon in adolescent and adult women than in adolescent and adult men. Between 15 to 20 out of every 100 people (15–20%) experience This chapter includes text excerpted from “What Is Major Depression?” Mental Illness Research, Education and Clinical Centers (MIRECC), U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs (VA), 2015. Reviewed October 2019. 46 Depression Sourcebook, Fifth Edition an episode of major depression during their lifetime. Prevalence has not been found to be related to ethnicity, income, education, or marital status. How Is Major Depression Diagnosed? Major depression cannot be diagnosed with a blood test, computer-ized axial tomography (CAT) scan, or any other laboratory test. The only way to diagnose major depression is with a clinical interview. The interviewer checks to see if the person has experienced severe symp-toms for at least two weeks.
eBook - PDFDepression
Treatment Strategies and Management
- Nestor Galvez-Jimenez, Thomas L. Schwartz, Timothy Petersen, Thomas L. Schwartz, Timothy Petersen(Authors)
- 2009(Publication Date)
- CRC Press(Publisher)
1 Depression: Phenomenology, Epidemiology, and Pathophysiology Nikhil Nihalani and Mihai Simionescu Department of Psychiatry, State University of New York Upstate Medical University, Syracuse, New York, U.S.A. Boadie W. Dunlop Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences, Emory University School of Medicine, Atlanta, Georgia, U.S.A. INTRODUCTION The core elements of what we now call major depressive disorder (MDD) are as old as the history of humankind. Hippocrates (460–377 BC) described melancholia, a condition that was very similar to today’s MDD specifier of the same name (1): prolonged despondency, blue moods, detachment, anhedonia, irritability, rest-lessness, insomnia, aversion to food, diurnal variation, and suicidal impulses. Mourning and grief were viewed as normal responses to loss, and only the pres-ence of excessive, psychotic, or unmotivated sadness was construed as “disordered.” This distinction was maintained for many years in the definition of “depressive neurosis” as described in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM)-II (2). Starting with DSM-III (3), however, theoretical under-pinnings of the causes of mental illnesses, including MDD, were removed. Mental illnesses were now conceptualized as symptom-based, categorical diseases (4). This nonetiological and atheoretical classification greatly improved the reliability of depressive disorder diagnosis by reducing diagnostic variability between clinicians. The only exception included in DSM-IV (1, p. 740) refers to the two-month interval after the death of a loved one, during which a depressive state is diagnosed as bereavement. Despite this improvement, MDD is a heterogeneous condition with fluc-tuating symptoms over time. There is a continuing need to more reliably sub-divide MDD into clinically meaningful subtypes that are more predictive of treatment response.
eBook - PDFClinical Assessment Workbook
Balancing Strengths and Differential Diagnosis
- Elizabeth Pomeroy(Author)
- 2014(Publication Date)
- Cengage Learning EMEA(Publisher)
101 Depressive Disorders 5 Disorders The diagnoses in the Depressive Disorders section of the DSM-5 (APA, 2013) are characterized by changes in a person’s emotional state (e.g., sadness, ir-ritability) that coincide with somatic symptoms (e.g., aches, insomnia) and cognitive disturbances (e.g., negative thinking, poor concentrating) that are sufficiently severe to cause significant clinical distress and/or disruption in psy-chosocial functioning. This category contains diagnoses that were previously listed in the DSM-IV-TR (APA, 2000) under the Mood Disorders Category and later divided into two groups “Depressive Disorders” and “Bipolar Disorders” due to differences in etiology and treatment approaches. Depression like mania is a mood disorder that can influence and disrupt an individual’s normal func-tioning. The term mood refers to an internally experienced emotional state that influences an individual’s thinking and behavior. A related term, affect , refers more specifically to the external demonstration of one’s mood or emotions. This distinction is important because affect and mood may differ; that is, people do not always display accurately in their affect what their mood actually is. This section of the DSM-5 is organized around eight Depressive Disorders, some of the most prevalent and often chronic but also treatable mental health conditions. Research has led to an understanding that the chronicity of depres-sion as well as severity can cause serious impairment and this change is reflected in the DSM-5. Other more controversial changes include the elimination of the “bereave-ment exclusion” for major depressive episodes in recognition that often grief and depression co-occur with a detailed note to aid differentiation. This change acknowledges that typical bereavement often has a much longer duration than the previous two-month duration.
eBook - PDF- Rob Butler, Cornelius Katona(Authors)
- 2019(Publication Date)
- Cambridge University Press(Publisher)
This again highlights the importance of a stress vulnerability model, in which biological and psychosocial factors are considered. Psychologically, the diagnosis of an illness – such as cancer – may be associated with a sense of nihilism and foreboding, whilst chronic illness may be associated with demoralisation. The presence of multiple physical comorbidities, illness severity and the development of disability increase the risk of late-life depression. The inability to perform one’s usual role and dependency on others may cause a loss of dignity, a sense of being a burden or a fear of institutional- isation [18]. Assessment An overview of the salient aspects of the clinical appraisal of late-life depression is provided in Table 10.1. Differential Diagnoses Acute grief is an expected emotional reaction to loss that would be expected not to interfere with function and to resolve with time. Whilst grief and MDD do share some symptoms, grief is not associated with more severe features such as low self-esteem, guilt or suicidal ideation. In a vulnerable individual or complex circumstance, grief may be a precipitant for MDD. Depressive symptoms may be limited to the period of an acute physical illness. In particular, physical illness may be associated with fatigue, difficulty sleeping and eating, whilst uncertainty about diagnosis or prognosis may promote a sense of despondency. Such presentations may be distinguished from MDD on the grounds that mood symptoms were not present prior to the onset of physical illness, and improve on its resolution or stabilisation. Demoralisation – which leaves a person feeling impotent, isolated and in despair – is also well recognised in medical and palliative care settings [24]. In contrast to MDD, Chapter 10: Depression 115 demoralisation lacks neuro-vegetative features, and the sufferer can experience some optimism as their situation improves.
eBook - PDFDepression
A Primer for Practitioners
- Steven Richards, Michael G. Perri(Authors)
- 2002(Publication Date)
- SAGE Publications, Inc(Publisher)
There are some differences in the rates of depression across these groups, but we are more impressed with the similarities than the differences (Blazer et al., 1994; Regier et al., 1988; Weissman et al., 1996). There is evidence that a high level of somatic symptoms in depres-sion, such as problems with sleeping and eating, may be a particu-larly common feature of the disorder. Severe levels of somatic or “vegetative” symptoms may also predict a more challenging treatment effort for patients (Buchwald & Rudick-Davis, 1993; Dew et al., 1997; Giles Kupfer, Rush, & Roffwarg, 1998; Roberts, Shema, Kaplan, & Strawbridge, 2000). Subthreshold depressive symptoms—that is, a depressive symptom profile not meeting the threshold for a diagnosis of Major Depressive Disorder—may still be quite disruptive for day-to-day performance and psychosocial functioning in many individuals (e.g., Flett, Vredenburg, & Krames, 1997; Lewinsohn, Solomon, Seeley, & Zeiss, 2000). There is evidence that depression runs in families (Hammen, 1997). For example, studies indicate that there is family aggregation of The Symptoms, Signs, and Diagnosis of Depression 9 adolescent depression (Klein, Lewinsohn, Seeley, & Rohde, 2001). A number of studies indicate that there is probably a moderate genetic diathesis for depression, along with the shared environmental factors that would increase family aggregation of depression (e.g., McGuffin, Katz, Watkins, & Rutherford, 1996; Weissman, Warner, Wickramaratne, Moreau, & Olfson, 1997). Other mental disorders often occur with depression (Blazer et al., 1994; Chorpita, Albano, & Barlow, 1998). Anxiety disorders are likely to occur with depression (Mineka, Watson, & Clark, 1998; Regier, Rae, Narrow, Kaelber, & Schatzberg, 1998; Zlotnick, Warshaw, Shea, & Keller, 1997). Depression also frequently accompanies problems with substance abuse, such as alcoholism (Hammen, 1997).
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