Globalisation and Crime

10 Key excerpts on "Globalisation and Crime"

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  Governing Through Globalised Crime

  Futures for International Criminal Justice

  • Mark Findlay, Mark J. Findlay(Authors)
  • 2013(Publication Date)
  • Willan

    (Publisher)

  Globalisation creates new and favourable opportunities for crime. This cause and effect is the consequence of what Harvey refers to as the ‘compression of time and the annihilation of space’ (1989: 294–5). Commercial crime relationships in particular are set free through market deregulation to benefit from opportunities not dissimilar to those enjoyed by multinational enterprise operating beyond the jurisdiction of the individual state and the limitations of legitimate market regulation. The deregulation of international commerce and the internationalisation of communication have enabled violent resistance to flourish along with the spread of cultural fundamentalism.

  The globalisation of crime represents the potential to view many crime relationships unburdened of conventional legal and moral determination. Globalisation working towards a common culture is intolerant of difference by arguing for a preferred politic (democracy), a preferred economy (modernisation) and a preferred value structure (materialism) by emphasising the integrity of new domains of legitimate and restrictive citizenship such as the global community. Terrorism in such discourse is determined by global governance as an attack on global citizenship, and efforts at its control have recently justified extraordinary military and law enforcement interventions on behalf of this amorphous global community.

  The process of time-space compression which is globalisation has enhanced material crime relationships so that they require analysis in a similar fashion to any other crucial market force. The claim of globalisation is that:

  Spatial barriers have collapsed so that the world is now a single field within which capitalism can operate, and capital flows become more and more sensitive to the relative advantages of particular spatial locations. (Waters 1995: 57–8)4

  The context of terrorism is such a (dis)location.

  The nexus between globalisation and global crime is keenly identified in risk terminology. In a contracting globe, where pluralist cultural, economic and religious values are tolerated only insofar as they do not significantly challenge the norms of a prevailing political alliance, world order has come to rely on a risky mix of domination and violent resistance. Criminalising that resistance is risky. Violent security responses are risky. Predicating globalisation on risk and security where criminal behaviours comprise a major risk and outstrip

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  Globalisation, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice

  Theoretical, Comparative and Transnational Perspectives

  • Valsamis Mitsilegas, Peter Alldridge, Leonidas Cheliotis, Valsamis Mitsilegas, Peter Alldridge, Leonidas Cheliotis(Authors)
  • 2015(Publication Date)
  • Hart Publishing

    (Publisher)

  The Challenge of Globalisation to Criminal Justice Increasingly, worldwide interconnections of trade, information and other forms of exchanges and interdependence are coming to replace more local ones. 3 The consequences of what is commonly categorised as globalisation for the economic fortunes of countries, cities or parts of them, means that the causes of ordinary crime problems, and not only those perpetrated by transnational criminal organi-sations, often have little to do with the unit in which they are located. 4 As it blurs the differences between existing ‘units’, globalisation changes the meaning of place and the location and significance of boundaries In addition, different kinds 3 See D Nelken, ‘Afterword: Studying Criminal Justice in Globalising Times’ in D Nelken (ed), Comparative Criminal Justice and Globalisation (Farnham, Ashgate, 2011) on which this section largely relies. 4 D Nelken, ‘The Globalisation of Crime and Criminal Justice: Prospects and Problems’, in M Freeman (ed), Law and Opinion at the End of the 20th Century , Current Legal Problems (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1997). The Changing Roles of Social Indicators 27 of units emerge both as objects and as agents of control. As one leading author puts it ‘one can no longer study, for example, Italy by simply looking at what hap-pens inside its territory, but rather need to acknowledge the effects that distant conflicts and developments have on national crime and security concerns and vice versa’. 5 However, comparative criminal justice textbooks and readers still reveal con-siderable uncertainty about how best to integrate the effects of globalisation into traditional classificatory and descriptive schemes. Material that fits awkwardly into the normal comparative paradigm is sometimes relegated to a separate book, 6 to an early chapter, 7 or a closing one.

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  Globalization and Security

  An Encyclopedia [2 volumes]

  • G. Honor Fagan, Ronaldo Munck, G. Honor Fagan, Ronaldo Munck(Authors)
  • 2009(Publication Date)
  • Praeger

    (Publisher)

  Commercial crime 90 Social and Cultural Aspects relationships, for instance, are set free to benefit from opportunities not dissimi- lar to those enjoyed by multinational enterprise beyond the jurisdiction of the individual state and the limitations of single markets. The process of time-space compression that is globalization has now enhanced material crime relationships to the extent where they require analysis similar to that of any other crucial market force. The claim of globalization is that ‘‘spatial barriers have collapsed so that the world is now a single field within which capitalism can operate, and capital flows become more and more sensitive to the relative advantages of particular spatial locations’’ (Waters 1995, 57–58). The context of crime is such a location. The globalization of capital from money to the electronic transfer of credit, of transactions of wealth from the exchange of property to information technology, and the seemingly limitless expanse of immediate and instantaneous global markets have enabled the transformation of crime beyond people, places, and even identifiable victims. Crime is now as much a feature of the emergent glo- balized culture as is every other aspect of its consumerism. Common themes for crime and globalization are commodification and profit. The market place is an essential context for modernization and the version of culture it promotes. Crime’s place within the market appears to be crucial for an understanding of the nexus between crime and globalization. Even where crime relationships are those of power and domination, the materialist conse- quences of crime are rarely denied. These consequences sit well with the moti- vations behind modern materialist cultures, as well as with cultural resistance to them.

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  Global Crime and Justice

  • David Jenks, John Randolph Fuller, David A. Jenks(Authors)
  • 2016(Publication Date)
  • Routledge

    (Publisher)

  This example of cultural conflict is a recurring theme throughout this book. We will frequently return to cultural explanations of crime because culture is a major determining factor in a country’s criminal justice response to domestic crime, as well as to transnational crime. In this text, we will continually confront vexing questions such as: What can or should be done about the cultural influence on crime and crime control? How can countries influence other countries to police their own citizens and secure their own borders? Should each country be free of pressure from other countries to handle crime according to its own history, cultural traditions, and will of its citizens? Finding the appropriate balance between individual rights, national rights, and human rights requires that everyone maintain an open mind to the cultural preferences and imperatives of others.

  CRIME AND GLOBALIZATION

  Globalization, probably the most powerful factor affecting the world’s societies since colonialism, involves linking different national cultures, religions, economic systems, and social media into one worldwide system. American sociologists D. Stanley Eitzen and Maxine Baca Zinn provide a comprehensive definition of globalization.

  1. Globalization is not a thing or a product but a process. It involves immigration, international travel, e-mail, offshore factory production, the movement of jobs to low-wage economies, the interdependence of markets and economies, and finding a McDonald’s in virtually every major city in the world.

  2. Globalization is not simply a matter of economics, but also has far-reaching political, social, and cultural implications.

  3. Globalization refers to changes that are increasingly re-making the lives of people throughout the world. Globalization has consequences for institutions, families, and individuals.

  4. Not everyone experiences globalization the same way. For some people it expands opportunities and enhances prosperity, while other people experience poverty and hopelessness. Periods of rapid social change “...threaten the familiar, destabilize old boundaries, and upset established traditions. Like the Hindu god Shiva, globalization is not only a great destroyer, but also a powerful creator of new ideas, values, identities, practices, and movements.”13

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  Globalisation and the Challenge to Criminology

  • Francis Pakes(Author)
  • 2013(Publication Date)
  • Routledge

    (Publisher)

  et al., 1999: 2), it seems that there are also processes of profound continuity being experienced. These arguments will now be explored with reference to what criminology needs to do so that the gap between the claims of government and the academy’s evidence is reduced in the near future.

  British organised crime

  The arguments over the globalisation of British organised crime started to develop in the mid-1980s at a time when it seemed that the crime threat was rapidly changing and, to modify Berman’s citation of Marx and Engels, ‘All that is solid melts into air’ (1983). As others have commented the collapse of communism and the growth of industrialisation throughout the developing world meant that new global criminal opportunities arose (Aas, 2007; Seddon, 2008). The sheer scale of global financial transactions, the ease of migration from both the developing world to the developed world and vice versa, as well as unprecedented global developments in communication technologies, meant in the UK a transformation in the scale of old crimes such as drug and people trafficking, prostitution, fraud and the market in sexual images of children but also the emergence of new online crimes such as identity theft and the distribution of malware (Wall, 2007). In relation to the organisation of crime in the UK, local family firms embedded in working-class neighbourhoods metamorphosed into deindustrialised global networks enriched by the rewards of global labour and drug markets (Hobbs, 1998). And although the so-called threats from the Russian ‘Mafia’ and the ‘Yardies’ have been exposed as moral panics (Woodiwiss and Hobbs, 2009), there is no doubt that the map of British organised crime became more complicated as new criminal groups within previously law-abiding diasporas exploited their geographical position within the drug trade or within the international financial system.

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  Critical Reflections on Transnational Organized Crime, Money Laundering, and Corruption

  • Margaret E. Beare(Author)
  • 2017(Publication Date)
  • University of Toronto Press

    (Publisher)

  Are we faced with increasingly powerful criminal organizations and corporate actors who are poised to take advantage of the openings of markets and international deregulation? This article starts with a brief discussion of the concept of globaliza-tion and attempts to identify some of the new social and economic 172 Vincenzo Ruggiero features that such a concept implies. It then hypothesizes that these new features are associated with specific forms of social control that shape patterns of transnational criminal activity. After the presentation of a number of cases, the argument is put forward that such patterns, together with the social actors involved in transnational criminality, prompt a reconsideration of the concepts of organized and white-collar crime. Global Elites and the Localized Rest A key word of the present, 'globalization' is also, and inevitably, a contested term. Some commentators focus on revolutionary develop-ments in communication and transport, on internationalization of trad-ing and labour, as well as on growing coordination of tasks performed by groups and individuals worldwide (A.D. King, 1991). With organi-zations attempting to position themselves globally, whether in relation to markets, media, or politics, enthusiasts claim that the world is be-coming a single space in which new opportunities arise for all. Critics, however, argue that this process mainly involves the most advanced countries, namely countries engaged in all sorts of inter-national interactions and exchange. Therefore, the benefits of this interconnectedness are rarely shared with developing countries and, when they are, the unequal terms in which benefits are shared make globalization seem in large part synonymous with Westernization.

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  Borders and Crime

  Pre-Crime, Mobility and Serious Harm in an Age of Globalization

  • S. Pickering, J. McCulloch, S. Pickering, J. McCulloch(Authors)
  • 2012(Publication Date)
  • Palgrave Macmillan

    (Publisher)

  Globalization has led to a dramatic transformation of the relationship between states, which is particu- larly evident in the way that territorial borders between states are managed, negotiated and imagined (Pickering & Weber, 2006). Despite the efforts of 1 J. McCulloch et al. (eds.), Borders and Crime © Jude McCulloch and Sharon Pickering 2012 states to intensify and rigidify the borders that surround them, borders are fluid, shifting, and contradictory physical and discursive spaces. Changes in the con- figuration and meaning of territorial borders are necessarily the harbinger of a whole range of shifts in state functions related to law enforcement and security. Consistent with this transformation, borders are increasing the focus of scholarly attention around broadly applicable common ideas including globalization, sov- ereignty, human rights, violence, mobility and security (Winterdyk & Sundberg, 2010; Donnan & Wilson, 1999; Gready, 2004; Oritz, 2001; Howitt, 2001; Soguk, 1999; Devetak, 1995). As the relationships between states shift and the bound- aries between national and international – inside and outside – become increas- ingly blurred, criminologists have turned to security theories developed within the field of international relations to make sense of these contemporary develop- ments (de Lint & Virta, 2004; Loader & Walker, 2007; Hagan & Rymond Rich- mond, 2008; Zedner, 2009). The realization that the changes in the nature and meaning of borders require greater translation and interaction between dis- ciplines such as international relations and criminology is becoming more wide- spread (see, for example, Aradau & van Munster, 2009). The complication of territorial borders that is integral to globalization has challenged criminologists to extend the boundaries of our scholarship into realms that have previously been the domain of other disciplines with a clear need for greater transdisciplinary work.

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  The SAGE Handbook of Criminological Theory

  • Eugene McLaughlin, Tim Newburn, Eugene McLaughlin, Tim Newburn(Authors)
  • 2010(Publication Date)
  • SAGE Publications Ltd

    (Publisher)

  4 Also the development of the so-called ‘Area of Freedom, Security and Justice’, offers an example of the progres-sive intertwining of crime and migration control (Huysmans, 2006). The estimated GLOBAL CRIMINOLOGY 439 6 million irregular migrants or ‘sans papiers’ in Europe (GCIM, 2005) furthermore serve as a potent reminder of the size and the nature of the emerging marginalized populations of ‘global others’. TOWARDS GLOBAL CRIMINOLOGY? Globalization presents a crucial analytical dilemma for criminology: the question of boundaries. This chapter has argued that global transformations demand of criminol-ogy an expansion of its theoretical and epistemological scope; a move beyond the geographical boundaries of the nation state. As Russel Hogg (2002: 209) observes: ‘To whom are we obliged and what is the scope of the ‘social contract’ – the ‘imag-ined community’ – to which we belong in an increasingly global world?’ What is to be the scope of our knowledge about crime, justice and social exclusion? In the concluding part of this chapter, it will be suggested that a move beyond the bounda-ries of the nation state presents itself not only as analytical but, increasingly, also as ethical imperative. Global transformations discussed in this chapter are remaking the traditional outsider labels and introducing novel categories of global others into the criminological vocabulary. Global criminology would therefore need to transcend its methodological nationalist focus and address the plight of these populations, who find themselves in a double bind – expelled for various reasons from their countries of origin and unwelcome in their countries of destination – thus ending up in various ‘non-spaces’, such as refugee camps and detention facilities (Pickering, 2005; Welch and Schuster, 2005).

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  Immigrants, migratory system

  controversial aspects from a legal and humanist scope

  • Alex Alves do Nascimento(Author)
  • 2021(Publication Date)
  • Editora Dialética

    (Publisher)

  Globalization and crime are broad concepts, with distinguished definitions and meanings, making the clarification a considerable theoretical task, that has occupied vast academic literature and crime as institutional. In other areas of social life, the impact of globalization is selective: globalization transforms certain types of crime, while largely ignoring others. The first challenge is to define the types of crime that are globalized; however, this process takes place in academic research and legal production.

  This is not the proper focus of our debate. Today, in terms of globalization, the prevailing opinion is that crime is essentially organized crime.

  Transnational organized crime (TOC) is the term most commonly used to group various forms of crime that have been globalized and is a threat worthy of attention of the highest political authorities. Of course, the definition is equally complex. Tracing the major debates, organized crime is a pressing political discourse category in the U.S. and Europe from the start of the 1970s, yet it did not gain im- portance until the 1990s.

  Virtually any crime requires some form of organization. Where the degree of organization from which it comes to organized crime (which in fact can be hierarchical according to criteria of logistics) would be very contingent upon the group in question. Organized crime today re-invokes the nature of crime as an organization, defining what is the criminal and the crime itself. The question arises as the deviation of sanctioned behaviors leading to criminalization from the legal system.

  However, this governmental act has its side effects. The state creates the crime not only by this labeling that gives a legislative act, but also the conduct that makes the repressive apparatus, the criminal policy. States harden their drug policy, drug cartels are compelled to deepen its infiltration of the state apparatus to circumvent it, fueling the corruption of officials, politicians etc. As the United States of America closes the doors to immigrants, the expelled are compelled to resort to illegal trafficking networks. Here as elsewhere, the government creates markets according to its policies. Establishing a security market (privatization of prisons, outsourcing of security services), a health market, a market of education (tuition), tasks designated to its role. The difference in this case is that illegal trafficking net- works are a result of an unintentional political creation.

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  International and Comparative Criminal Justice and Urban Governance

  Convergence and Divergence in Global, National and Local Settings

  • Adam Crawford(Author)
  • 2011(Publication Date)
  • Cambridge University Press

    (Publisher)

  PART 3 Comparative crime control and urban governance 15 Victimhood of the national? Denationalising sovereignty in crime control katja franko aas * Weak states is precisely what the New World Order, all too often looking suspiciously like the new world disorder , needs to sustain and reproduce itself. Bauman 1998: 68 There is a growing number of academic ‘–isms’ and ‘–isations’ aiming to describe the trans-border interconnectedness of the contemporary social condition. Internationalisation, globalisation, transnationalisation, glocalisation – to name but some – have become increasingly popular fields of criminological inquiry. A common part of globalisation debates has been an image of failing state sovereignty, even propositions of its withering and death. While newspaper reports, political discourse and activist slogans forcefully mobilise for the rescue of the national under threat, the assump- tion about the ‘victimhood of the national’ is nevertheless also implicit in much of academic discourse about Globalisation and Crime. It is an assump- tion, seldom explicated, yet nevertheless present in various forms and, to greater or lesser extent, in many criminological narratives about globalisa- tion. The growth of unaccountable international surveillance and policing networks and transnational legal orders is seen to be eroding the powers of nation states and, ultimately, raising the question of their survival (Mathiesen 2006). The fall of the golden age of the welfare state under the relentless attacks of neoliberalism offers yet another account of falling state sovereignty. Here, globalisation tends to be equated with its economic motor – neoliber- alism – inevitably leading to more social inequality, crime, violence and insecurity and, consequently, increased levels of punitiveness.

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