Social Sciences

Migration and Globalisation Sociology

Migration and globalization in sociology refer to the movement of people across national borders and the interconnectedness of societies on a global scale. This field of study examines how migration patterns are influenced by economic, political, and social factors, and how they, in turn, impact societies and cultures. It also explores the power dynamics and inequalities that shape migration processes in a globalized world.

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12 Key excerpts on "Migration and Globalisation Sociology"

  • Book cover image for: 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook
    It describes an intensification of worldwide social relations, linking distant places, with the result that local happenings are shaped by events occurring many miles away and vice versa. One of the central aspects of globalization is the growth of cross-border flows of peo-ple and the proliferation of social networks connecting migrants to their home communities. National (Rural to City) Some of the earliest waves of human migration in modern history were from the countryside into the developing cities or from one rural area to another. Past migrations have nearly depleted the countryside in industrialized countries. Some years ago, two thirds of the population in Latin America, Asia, and Africa lived in rural areas. A little more than a generation later, two thirds would be urban residents. International (Global) Modern international migration differs from that of pre-vious centuries; in the 19th century, for example, migration 860 – • – ANTHROPOLOGY TODAY was usually a one-way movement, with major streams of migrants leaving Europe and Asia for North America. Since the end of the Cold War, migration has taken on a more global aspect, partly due to the ease and speed of trans-portation as well as global communication. With the global explosion in mass communications since the late 1980s, particularly satellite television, many people in third world countries have become aware of the supposed affluent lifestyles of rich countries. Many are attracted to the con-sumer culture that appears available to them, and the costs of long-distance moves are within the reach of poor fami-lies, which was not the case 150 years ago. Stephen Castles, in the book The Age of Migration, com-mented that international migration is “part of a transna-tional revolution that is reshaping societies and politics around the globe” (Castles & Miller, 1998, p. 5).
  • Book cover image for: The SAGE Handbook of Sociolinguistics
    • Ruth Wodak, Barbara Johnstone, Paul E Kerswill, Ruth Wodak, Barbara Johnstone, Paul E Kerswill(Authors)
    • 2010(Publication Date)
    Globalization Theory and Migration S t e f S l e m b r o u c k 11 11.1 INTRODUCTION This chapter engages with theories of globalization and migration through the lens of sociolinguistic inquiry. Globalization processes tend to be com-monly talked about, sometimes celebrated and often contested, in terms of accelerated geograph-ical reorderings in the fields of economic produc-tion, in money flows and technological spread. This chapter, however, asserts the centrality of language and symbolic practices and it does so by attending to one salient aspect of contemporary globalization processes, namely migration, while discussing implications for sociolinguistics. Two further introductory points deserve mention and help set the scope of discussion. Contemporary forms of migration are nowadays understood as a dimension of globalization processes, but it is worth reminding ourselves that the study of migration is in fact a much older theme, both in social and economic studies and in sociolinguistic enquiry. In more than one respect, the theme of migration predates the present burgeoning of empirical and theoretical interest in boundary-crossing processes, which are looked at through the lens of globalization phenomena (e.g. Thomas and Znaniecki, 1918, a pioneering work in the biographic approach to the sociology of migra-tion). My second point therefore entails an his-torical horizon: to connect the present concern with, for instance, heightened multilingualism, which has resulted from an unrivalled increase in contemporary human movement around the world, with earlier historical linguistic and sociolin-guistic understandings of migration-connected language developments which concentrated on the genesis of historically-recognized languages, language families and functional varieties, often in a context of imperialist expansion and colonial settlement.
  • Book cover image for: International Migration and Social Theory
    1 Introduction: International Migration and Social Theory Introduction International migration affects millions of people across the globe every day, as migrants and as non-migrants. It can arise as a result of rupture in people’s lives, it can cause upheavals within communities, and it can reunite families. It can provide much-needed resources for sending and receiving countries, or it can put great strain on destinations or shatter the economies and daily lives when migrants leave. It can lead to emotional, individual, media and policy responses. It can be framed with the rhetoric of floods, tides, and influxes, or it can be warmly welcomed. Migration cuts to the very heart of who ‘we’ and ‘they’ are, and to notions of identity, home and belonging. This book is about the study of international migration , the social the-ories that are being, and might be, employed in the understanding of a phenomenon, and the wonderful breadth of empirical work that has been (and continues to be) undertaken in this diverse field. By referring to ‘inter-national migration’, I am excluding domestic or internal migration, but I recognize that processes of internal migration may often be interlinked with international migration in ways it is not possible to consider here (see King and Skeldon, 2010). This book is concerned with a phenomenon of increasing importance in recent decades: the movement of individuals and groups from one country, state or nation to another, to reside else-where at least on a temporary basis, often more permanently, the purpose being more than a visit or tourism. In particular, this book examines the ways in which the phenomenon of international migration has been stud-ied, conceptualized and theorized by scholars, and suggests a theoretical framework that can provide coherence for the existing mass of disparate 1 2 International Migration and Social Theory works already undertaken and that can inform future data collection and analysis.
  • Book cover image for: An Introduction to International Migration Studies
    These institu-tions have close links with the US Treasury, and their policies are strongly influenced by US and European interests (Stiglitz 2002). A theory of global change in which the economy is seen as being disembedded from society, with its political and social consequences treated as inevitable ‘ externalities ’ (as economists put it), leads to a dis-embedded understanding of migration. In a narrow economistic view, this means seeking the determinants of migration in a range of ration-al choices based on economic interests. The essential link is absent that connects massive changes in global economic and political power to the resulting social transformation processes. societal context An alternative approach is to see migration not merely as either a result or a cause of social transformation, but as an integral and essen-tial part of the social transformation process, meaning that theories of migration should be embedded in broader social theory. Research on any specific migration phenomenon must always include research on the societal context in which it takes place. Because awareness of change usually starts on a local level, it is important to link local-level experiences of migration (whether in the origin or receiving areas) with other socio-spatial levels – and particularly with global processes. rapid social changes A social transformation approach to analysing the relationship be-tween migration and social change implies that migration itself should not generally be seen as the primary cause of a major change in soci-ety. For instance, US society is currently undergoing rapid change, and at the same time is experiencing large-scale immigration from 168 STEPHEN CASTLES Latin America and Asia. However, the fact that these changes are occurring at the same time does not prove causality.
  • Book cover image for: Ethnicity and Old Age
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    Ethnicity and Old Age

    Expanding our Imagination

    • Torres, Sandra(Authors)
    • 2019(Publication Date)
    • Policy Press
      (Publisher)
    In other words, globalisation is often regarded as a societal force and/or social change that is having an impact not only on the world as we knew it, but also the way in which 29 Population ageing and international migration we acquire knowledge about the world. This is why, back in 2006, I urged ethno-gerontologists to take into account the implications that globalisation was posing for the study of culture, migration and inequality (Torres, 2006a). With regard to the study of culture, it is important to state that globalisation is challenging the geopolitical order that modern nation-states tended to take for granted, as well as the implications of this order for how social scientists made sense of what society is. Prior to globalisation challenging how we think of society and culture, we used to take for granted that cultural values were taught primarily through the immersion into specific localities that socialisation was believed to entail. In its most primitive form, this type of understanding thus assumed that there was a lineal relationship that ran from society to culture to values. Thus, prior to globalisation having challenged the ‘national version’ of society 3 that deemed culture to be a point of reference that is essentially territorial, we used to regard cultural values as the frames of reference that people learned through socialisation within territorially bounded spaces. In other words, social scientists used to take for granted – and some of them still do, in fact (as Chapters Four to Six implicitly show) – that because people originated from a specific place, they had been socialised within specific localities and upheld the cultural values with which these localities were associated. This is the very idea that the World Value Survey, for example, builds on, and is the idea that lies at the core of the notion that there are such things as majority cultures (see, for example, van Oudenhoven and Ward, 2013).
  • Book cover image for: Applied Human Geography
    Migration: The Human Movement to Other Places 9 CONTENTS 9.1. Introduction .................................................................................... 184 9.2. Types Of Migration ......................................................................... 187 9.3. Components Influencing People To Migrate .................................... 190 9.4. Giddens’ Theory Of Structuration And Applications to Migration .... 192 9.5. International Migration Systems ..................................................... 193 9.6. Migration And Urbanization ........................................................... 197 9.7. Scenes of Development And Hazard ............................................... 199 Applied Human Geography 184 This chapter is concerned with migration of human population and its impact on geography. Man has engaged in migration for better opportunities since time immemorial. This chapter classifies migration into different types. It then describes the factors that influence people to migrate. The chapter then describes Giddens’ Theory of Structuration and the way it can be applied to migration. The chapter then talks about various aspects of international migration. The chapter then covers in detail how urbanization and migration are connected. Finally, it describes how migration can lead to development as well as certain hazards. 9.1. INTRODUCTION The development of gatherings and people starting with one spot then onto the next, including a difference in normal habitation. Relocation is normally recognized from versatility all in all by shows of spatial and transient scale. For instance, by show universal movement requires crossing a national limit for a real or planned time of in any event one year. Private versatility, paradoxically, may comprise of a short-separate move between properties in a similar city. Typologies of relocation separate among inner and universal movement, and the two structures are generally contemplated independently.
  • Book cover image for: Advanced Introduction to Migration Studies
    Such are the dilemmas facing the student of migration. In reviewing the main conceptual approaches in migration studies at both macro- and micro-levels, the difficulties to reconcile the various view- points in an attempt to come to some kind of single theoretical framework should be clear. Some have argued convincingly that even to seek such a framework is undesirable. 37 An unfortunate consequence, however, is that studies of migration, whether internal or international, fragment into a series of disciplinary silos with few common themes, except, perhaps, a fallback into typologies that simply describe and categorize rather than analyse and theorize the various population movements. This chapter has implied that an evolutionary approach can provide the basis of a frame- work. Just as the “theory” of the demographic transition has proven central to demography, a migration transition can play a similar role in migration studies. Nevertheless, migration itself, as a critical variable in demography, has had a contested relationship within that discipline, and all transitions, based as they are in time, need also to be located in space. This theme will re-emerge in the conclusion to this volume. MIGRATION CONCEPTUALIZED: THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTEXT 49 Stephen Castles has argued that rather than seeking any overarching theory of migration, migration needs to be firmly embedded in a social transformation perspective, which he frames as a broad political economy approach. 38 This chapter has focused primarily on the economic and social processes that consider population movements as an integral part of development in its broadest sense, with migration both caused by and causing that development. Any difference between social transformation and this broad view of development is perhaps more of degree than substance but a narrower and more policy-based approach to “migration and development” will be taken in Chapter 5.
  • Book cover image for: Nation and Migration
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    Nation and Migration

    How Citizens in Europe Are Coping with Xenophobia

    In the broadest sense of the term, everyone is a migrant who leaves their birth-place or place of residence. If the movement occurs from one location to another within a country, we call it internal migration; if it involves moving to another country, it is called outer migration or international migration. In contemporary public discourse, migration usually refers to the latter. Market mechanisms and economic processes extended by globalization and transcending the confines of the nation state have furthered regional inequalities, thus dividing the world into core and peripheral regions (Wallerstein 2005). Population flows from the periphery to the core involving individual relocation across borders are often designated as economic migration. In a narrow sense, this I 151 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . M I G R A T I O N , N E W M I N O R I T I E S . . . refers to the movement of a labor force in response to the pull of labor markets. However, in a broader sense, all relocations fall into this category if they are moti-vated first, by material aspirations that include an individual’s efforts to improve his other living conditions, pursue a career, ensure a livelihood and obtain an education; second, by destitution, impoverishment and the overall deterioration of a person’s living standards; and third, by new opportunities created by the un-fettered flow of capital, labor, services, information, and knowledge. This type of migration may be regulated or irregular, legal or illegal, voluntary or externally constrained, short-term or long-term, individual or as a family. Nowadays, it is increasingly common for migration to involve not one but several movements, usually encompassing the country of origin and one or more countries of destination.
  • Book cover image for: Climate and Human Migration
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    Climate and Human Migration

    Past Experiences, Future Challenges

    For migrants travelling long distances to settle in new and unfamiliar places, migration may be a long and arduous process, with integration into the destination population never completed within the migrant’s own lifetime, but continued by subsequent generations. The migration process as experienced by the individual does not exist in a vacuum; it is nested within larger sets of dynamic and interconnected cultural, economic, envi- ronmental, political, and social processes that shape human behavior more gener- ally. A decision to migrate today may be the product of any number of antecedent 2 Why People Migrate 2.2 Basic Assumptions of Modern Migration Research and Their Origins 17 conditions and events. And, once acted upon, the decision to migrate generates new sets of risks and opportunities not only for the migrant, but for his or her social net- work, and for the sending and receiving communities as well. Migration is more than simply a movement across physical space; it is a change in the trajectory of an indi- vidual and those connected to that individual through social space. The aim of this chapter is to provide the nonspecialist a clear overview of current scholarly understanding of the migration process and to introduce a set of basic the- ories, concepts, and terms that: Have been used in a wide variety of settings to explain and interpret how migration deci- • sions are made and the factors that shape migration behavior generally; Can be used to describe and analyze in a systematic fashion known examples of migration • related to droughts, floods, extreme weather events, and other climate-related phenomena; and Will be combined in • Chapter 3 with scholarship that considers human vulnerability and adaptation to climatic variability and change in order to create a conceptual framework that shows the interactions between climate and migration within the context of an adaptive human-environment system.
  • Book cover image for: Globalization
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    Globalization

    Theory and Practice Second Edition

    • Eleonore Kofman, Gillian Youngs, Eleonore Kofman, Gillian Youngs(Authors)
    • 2003(Publication Date)
    • Continuum
      (Publisher)
    PART 4 Politics and Economics of Movements and Space This page intentionally left blank CHAPTER 12 Crisis? What Crisis? The politics of migration regulation in the era of globalization HELENE PELLERIN The buzzword globalization, like a tidal wave, has carried with it many social and economic dynamics that are now defined in terms of globalizing tendencies. International migration is no exception to this. But what exactly globalization has done to migration is a legitimate and important question. For many, international migration has become global, insofar as globali zation means greater circulation of goods, people and capital and also greater velocity in world politics (OECD, 1992). The reality often does not quite fit this description. The mobility of people is much more limited than that of capital or of goods (Richmond, 1994), but globalization has transformed the nature of international migration in qualitative rather than quantitative ways. It is not so much that globalization has triggered greater mobility, or that there are qualitative changes in migration dynamics brought forward by the diversity of regions and people now involved in the process of migra-tion. It is rather that globalization, being a process of power reconfiguration (Wood, 1997), of production restructuring (Cox, 1992) and of different spatializations of economic and political practices (Agnew and Corbridge, 1995), directly affects international migration. Migration has become global in terms of flows, but also in its management. Globalization can be seen in this context as a crisis of migration regulation, as much as it is a crisis of financial regulation and production regulation. While migration policies were a national prerogative for most of the post-war period, they became the object of global attention in the 1990s. I argue in this chapter that this was not fortuitous or a simple reflection of the complexity of the problem.
  • Book cover image for: The Anthropology of Globalization
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    The Anthropology of Globalization

    Cultural Anthropology Enters the 21st Century

    • Ted C. Lewellen(Author)
    • 2002(Publication Date)
    • Praeger
      (Publisher)
    PART II Globalization and Migration I have been a stranger in a strange land. Moses, Exodus 2:22 I can live anywhere in the world, but it must be near an airport. Chinese investor based in San Francisco (Quoted in Ong 1993: 41) This page intentionally left blank Chapter 6 Migration: People on the Move The changes in migration patterns are not merely matters of individual choice but rather reveal structural factors beyond the control of individu- als. James Mittleman 1 Thus, in the United States as well as in Mexico, the place of putative com- munity—whether regional or national—is becoming little more than a site in which transnational^ organized circuits of capital, labor, and com- munications intersect with one another and with local ways of life. Roger Rouse 2 There is nothing new about long-term, long-distance migration. At the turn of the 21st century, an estimated 100 million people live outside of their countries of original citizenship. 3 While this figure is impressive, it is less than 2% of the world's population, which means that, at any given time, 98% are staying home, or at least within their own national borders (Hammar and Tamas 1997: 1). Percentage-wise this is not historically un- usual, nor is it exceptionally significant in regard to world structural change. Archeologists tell us that our prehistoric ancestors migrated out of Africa, spreading through Asia and Europe, crossing oceans to the Ameri- cas and Australia. History is replete with mass movements, often based in military action, such as Alexander's conquests, Rome's policy of coloniza- tion, the spread of Islam, and the migratory conquests of Genghis Khan and his followers. After 1500, with the Industrial Revolution and the emer- 124 Globalization and Migration gence of Europe as a world colonizing power, we see a relatively different emphasis of mass migration, based more on labor needs than on conquest.
  • Book cover image for: Migration and (Im)Mobility
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    Migration and (Im)Mobility

    Biographical Experiences of Polish Migrants in Germany and Canada

    While such a broad idea includes a wide range of individuals and social phenomena, it also leads to analytical blur (Pries 2008: 227). If geograph-ical mobility is not a defining feature of a perspective that is concerned with border-crossing activities of migrants, what then remains? I would say: seden-tariness and the notion of “sedentary migrants.” 5 When, for the sake of the ar-gument, transnationalism is a sedentary notion, I wonder how it differs from oth-er sedentary notions, say, multiculturalism. Many immigrants (and their de-scendants) follow multicultural practices (as opposed to assimilationist ones) like speaking their heritage languages and living in line with traditional values and 5 For a similar reading, see Dahinden 2010, and my review of her work in ch. 1.2. Revisiting Migration | 273 norms in many ways. Indeed, they are often managing several cultural reper-toires and sometimes they struggle, for instance, with their parents’ expectations that they marry someone from their own religious community. If Levitt refers to such examples as transnational activities (2009), they qualify as multicultural ones as well, I argue. However, others take geographical mobility into consideration when concep-tualizing transnational phenomena. Within these literatures, mobility is based on different temporal and spatial frames. The geographical movements of “transna-tional migrants” can vary in their duration: some works include travel and holi-daying as a characteristic of (migrant) transnationalism (Wessendorf 2013), oth-ers imply more enduring mobility of migrants relocating their center of life for a certain amount of time (Pries 2001b), and yet others include profession-bound extensive mobility of migrants which leads to multiple short-term stays abroad (Nowicka 2006b). Many of these (labour-inflected) mobility trajectories require and produce specific social conditions, which cannot be grasped by traditional concepts such as of em/immigration.
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