Chapter 1
The Promise of Non-Representational Theories
Ben Anderson and Paul Harrison
A Dream
I canât help but dream of the kind of criticism that would try not to judge but to bring an oeuvre, a book, a sentence, an idea to life; it would light fires, watch grass grow, listen to the wind, and catch the sea foam in the breeze and scatter it. It would multiply not judgements but signs of existence; it would summon them, drag them from their sleep. Perhaps it would invent them sometimes â all the better. All the better. [...] It would not be sovereign or dressed in red. It would bear the lightening of possible storms (Michel Foucault 1997a, 323).
Itâs the affirmation which gives the quote its force. The affirmation not just of one thing, one subject, one angle, but of many. And beyond this, an affirmation of life, of existence as such, as precarious, as active and as unforeseeable. We will move to a more traditional mode of introduction in a moment however for now let us stay with Foucaultâs dream. What would âcriticismâ have to be to be capable of all these things, of this affirmation and this potential? It seems to us that it would have to be itself multiple, itself composed out of many things. It would have to work out how to move differently, how to step from one topic to the next, one matter to the next, and initiate new ways of relating, walk new routes without tripping, (or at least not often). It would have to take risks, invent new terms, new tones, new objects. It would draw new maps. Perhaps most importantly, it would have to continue changing, not settle in the satisfaction of a judgment but keep experimenting. Further on in the interview from which the quote above comes, Foucault suggests that
What we are suffering from is not a void but inadequate means for thinking about everything that is happening. There is an overabundance of things to be known: fundamental, terrible, wonderful, insignificant, and crucial at the same time (1997a, 325).
It is our view that non-representational theories1 are best approached as a response to such a situation. If one single thing can be said to characterise nonrepresentational work in Human Geography over the past 15 years it is the attempt to invent new ways of addressing fundamental social scientific issues and, at the same time, displacing many of these issues into new areas and problems. In doing so we believe that it has multiplied âsigns of existenceâ, helping to introduce all kinds of new actors, forces and entities into geographic accounts and, at the same time, aiding in the invention of new modes of writing and address and new styles of performing Geographic accounts. While the consistency of these attempts may sometimes be hard to see, an issue we will consider below, on a basic level what has linked this diverse body of work is a sense of affirmation and experimentation. In this we believe that they share the ethos of Foucaultâs dream and, moreover, its invitation to do and think otherwise.
Of course non-representational theories have not done this alone. In the second section of this introduction âContextâ we shall offer a kind of origins myth for non-representational theory in geography, locating its emergence in and from social constructivism in the mid-1990s. However beyond this undoubtedly partial account the main aim of this introduction is to outline three shared commitments or problematics which we believe link together what is a diverse and still diversifying body of work. Our aim here is partly genealogical, taken sequentially one could read these three elements as stages of an evolution and in growing complexity. However the more important (and slightly less artificial) task is that they provide a kind of intellectual âprimerâ for the rest of the volume; a chart onto which the reader may map the following chapters and so note their shared concerns and the different routes they plot across common problematics. Thus, following the âContextâ, the first of the three substantive sections discusses âPracticesâ. Here we describe how and why non-representational theory has a practical and processual basis for its accounts of the social, the subject and the world, one focused on âbackgroundsâ, bodies and their performances. In particular this section is concerned with showing how non-representational approaches locate the making of meaning and signification in the âmanifold of actions and interactionsâ rather than in a supplementary dimension such as that of discourse, ideology or symbolic order. The next section âLife and the Socialâ acts as an auto-critique and expansion on the issues just given, charting the movement in non-representational theory from practice based accounts to wider post-humanist accounts of life. Here the influences of Gilles Deleuze and Bruno Latour are most evident, as we attempt to describe the consequences of non-representational theoryâs relational-materialism for thinking about the composition and nature of the social. Following on, âEvent and Futurityâ gives the final shared commitment or problematic; here we focus on the ânonâ of non-representational theory, and consider exactly how the work gathered by the name is orientated by and to an open-ended future, an orientation through which it attempts to âbear the lightening of possible stormsâ. The introduction closes with a brief reflection and a look at the structure of the volume which follows.
Context
Beginnings are always arbitrary, always imagined. One can always extend the genealogy and go back further, or move off sideways seeking the skeleton in the closet, and we will, to some extent. However in this section of the introduction we outline a specific intellectual problematic as the spur behind non-representational theories. In doing so we keep within the recognised genre requirements of an introduction to an edited academic book; âstoryingâ the emergence of nonrepresentational theories as a successor âparadigmâ. The reasons for this choice are largely pedagogic and heuristic; feeling optimistic, we like to imagine this introductionâs primary audience as being composed of people who may not be so familiar with non-representational theories and so the onus is upon us to tell, reductive as it may be, a more or less believable intellectual narrative. However many other beginnings could be plausibly given, not least amongst them; the ongoing impact of post-structuralism on the discipline and, in particular, the avenues for thought opened by the translation of the work of Deleuze and Latour; an emergent concern for âeveryday lifeâ and the forms of embodied practice therein; a specific confluence of energies, research interests and institutional setting focused on the School of Geographical Sciences in Bristol in the UK throughout the 1990s; the gathering together and elaboration of non-representational theories by Nigel Thrift; the crystallisation of desires to find new ways of engaging space, landscape, the social, the cultural and the political; the influence of the UKâs Research Assessment Exercise through which, in Human Geography at least, value was attached to single author papers and which promoted an academic climate wherein so called âtheoreticalâ interventions could be valued as highly as more âempiricalâ studies; a simple generational shift between the New Cultural Geography and what would follow; an ever more extensive engagement by geographers with other social science and humanities disciplines; a cynical careerist fabulation. As with the account which follows, none of these beginnings are determinate, however all and more probably played a role. We could then classify the emergence of non-representational theories in the discipline as an âeventâ, (see below), one which, as with all events, arrives somewhat unexpectedly, whose outcome is never guaranteed in advance, and which is composed across but irreducible to a multiplicity of sites, desires, fears, contingencies and tendencies, an event housed within the term ânon-representational theoryâ.
Still, for now, letâs imagine a beginning. Itâs 1993:
When it was enthusiastically pointed out within the memory of our Academy that race or gender or nation ... were so many social constructions, inventions, representations, a window was opened, an invitation to begin the critical project of analysis and cultural reconstruction was offered. And one still feels its power even though what was nothing more than an invitation, a preamble to investigation has, by and large, been converted into a conclusion â e.g. âsex is a social constructionâ, ârace is a social constructionâ, âthe nation is an inventionâ, and so forth, the tradition was an invention. The brilliance of the pronouncement was blinding. Nobody was asking whatâs the next step? What do we do with this old insight? If life is constructed, how come it appears so immutable? How come culture appears so natural? If things coarse and subtle are constructed, then surely they can be reconstructed as well? (Taussig 1993, xvi).
There can be little doubt that throughout the 1980s and the 1990s social constructivism was the dominant mode of social and cultural analysis, within Human Geography and beyond. âSocial constructivismâ is, of course, a convenient shortcut; what is named with this term is less a specific body of work and more a general ontological and epistemological stance, a certain way of delimiting and apprehending âthe socialâ. In this origins myth, social constructivism plays the somewhat thankless role of context and matrix for the emergence of nonrepresentational theories. So, what traits distinguish social constructivism as an approach and for this dubious honour?
First and foremost social constructivism is distinguished by a preoccupation with representation; specifically, by a focus on the structure of symbolic meaning (or cultural representation). Social constructivism looks to how the symbolic orders of the social (or the cultural) realise themselves in the distribution of meaning and value, and thereby reinforce, legitimate and facilitate unequal distributions of goods, opportunities and power. Thus the primary ontological object for social constructivism is the collective symbolic order understood to be, as the anthropologist Clifford Geertz has it, âa set of control mechanisms â plans, recipes, rules, instructions (what computer programmers call âprogrammesâ) â for governing behaviourâ (1973, 44). Or as geographers David Ley and Marwyn Samuels put it five years after Geertz; âAll social constructions, be they cities or geographic knowledge, reflect the values of a society and an epochâ (1978, 21 emphasis added). The collective symbolic order is that by which its members make sense of the world, within which they organise their experience and justify their actions. Hence James S. Duncanâs characterisation (after Raymond Williams (1981)) of landscape as âa signifying system through which a social system is communicated, reproduced, experienced, and exploredâ (1990, 17).2 An important point here, one with extensive epistemological (and methodological) implications, is the separation made between the symbolic order and the particular situations within which that order is realised. As Tim Ingold writes; âStarting from the premise that culture consists of a corpus of inter-generationally transmissible knowledge, as distinct from the ways in which it is put to use in practical contexts of perception and action, the objective is to discover how this knowledge is organisedâ (2000, 161). Epistemologically, this means that the âactionâ is not in the bodies, habits, practices of the individual or the collective (and even less in their surroundings), but rather in the ideas and meanings cited by and projected onto those bodies, habits, practices and behaviours (and surroundings). Indeed the decisive analytic gesture of social constructivism is to make the latter an expression of the former. To critically depart, for example, from being ânarrowly focused on physical artifacts (log cabins, fences, and field boundaries)â and move towards an understanding of âthe symbolic qualities of landscape, those which produce and sustain social meaningâ (Cosgrove and Jackson 1987, 96). A departure through which the objects of investigation â landscape, city space, place â become apprehended as âtextsâ, where âthe text is seen in terms of the self-realisation or contestation of [ideas, ideologies and] identities, understood as part of the impulse to the self-realisation of the group, class or nationâ (Clark 2005, 17).
To sum up, social constructivismâs initial impetus and its considerable critical purchase in the 1980s and 1990s lay, in Human Geography at least, in two linked insights. First, in the recognition of the arbitrary nature of symbolic orders, in recognising the fact that they are âinventedâ and not ânaturalâ. Second, in the emphasis placed on the plural and contested (or at least contestable) nature of symbolic orders and the sites at which this occurred. The importance of these insights and the work which followed them is difficult to underestimate; contemporary Human Geographic investigation is unthinkable without them. And so, while we would characterise the emergence of non-representational theory as an âeventâ, we would also stress that non-representational theory has a debt to, in particular, the New Cultural Geography, one that has to a certain extent gone unacknowledged. There is no doubt that non-representational theory inherits a number of the key insights of New Cultural Geography; that representation matters, that social order is not immutable, and that signification connects to extra-linguistic forces. However, as we shall see, it inherits by rearticulating these insights, framing them otherwise. Why? Because the insight and critical purchase of social constructivism comes at a cost.
Practices
The world and its meanings; this divide is the cost.3 On one side, over there, the world, the really real, all âthings coarse and subtleâ, and on the other, in here, the really made-up, the representations and signs which give meaning and value. Itâs a classic Cartesian divide. Once established there can be no sense of how meanings and values may emerge from practices and events in the world, no sense of the ontogenesis of sense, no sense of how real the really made-up can be. Indeed in retrospect it may seem as though, as Ulf Strohmayer (1998, 106) observed, social constructivismâs and Human Geographyâs preoccupation with representation was simply a âpragmaticâ response to the wider, preceding crisis of representation. A response which took critical advantage of the âconstructedâ nature of all representation, but which, due to its own anti-realism, was never able to move beyond the crisis and account for the fact that âif life is constructed, how come it appears so immutable?â. An early, arguably defining trait in the identification and emergence of non-representational theory was a different way of framing and responding to this problem. Indeed this other framing gives us the most literal definition of the term ânon-representationalâ and the first way of recognising non-representational theories; they share an approach to meaning and value as âthought-in-actionâ:
These schools of thought all deny the efficacy of representational models of the world, whose main focus is the âinternalâ, and whose basic terms or objects are symbolic representations, and are instead committed to non-representational models of the world, in which the focus is on the âexternalâ, and in which basic terms and objects are forged in the manifold of actions and interactions (Thrift 1996, 6).
Before asking of the consequences, it is worth taking a few moments to explore this difference a bit further.
âThe manifold of action and interactionâ; what does this mean? One way to think about it is as a âbackgroundâ. While we do not consciously notice it we are always involved in and caught up with whole arrays of activities and practices. Our conscious reflections, thoughts, and intentions emerge from and move with this background âhumâ of on-going activity. More technically, we could say that âthe background is a set of nonrepresentational mental capacities that enable all representing to take placeâ and that conscious aims and intentions form, and have the form they do, only against such a âbackground of abilities that are not intentional statesâ (Searle 1983, 143). You are late; you walk quickly into the classroom and sit down. When you walked into the classroom did you think about opening the door, or did you just open it? When you sat down did you have to remember what a seat looked like and how to use o...