We want to begin by placing the recent work on urban encounters in context and highlight two important lineages of social theory from which a concern with urban encounters has arisen. The first is the longstanding body of work that has positioned the city as a key site for the negotiation of difference, be this through staged forms of interaction or the propinquities of the urban everyday. The second, is a range of theoretical work that considers the excessive qualities of urban life, most notably drawing on non-representational modes of thought and ânew materialistâ theories of practice, sensation and the everyday. In addition, we want to further situate a concern with urban encounters in relation to the political potentials of the city as a space of transformative capacity and relational interconnections. Here, we suggest that a concern with encounters is less prominent, yet there are significant and productive connections to be made, not least in discussions of political subjectivity, and the âmobileâ dimensions of urban policy. To situate Encountering the City, we take each of these areas of work in turn.
City difference, social mixing and moving beyond contact
Encounters are at the heart of work that has a long and deep-rooted history of celebrating the city as a site of âthrowntogethernessâ (Massey 2005), where different, previously unrelated trajectories, objects and people come together (Amin and Thrift 2002; Fincher and Jacobs 1998; Jacobs 1961; Sandercock 2003; Watson 2006; Young 1990). For Lefebvre, encounters are what make the urban a site of âpermanent disequilibriumâ (1996, 129), where ânormalities and constraintsâ are continuously dissolved. In this vein, it has been held that chance encounters between different people are what give urban life its âdistinctive characterâ, liveliness and risk (Stevens 2007; Simmel 1903). This can be seen in Jacobsâ (1961, 50) much referenced celebration of the sidewalk, which described a site of vitality, improvisation and experiment, where trivial contact between strangers produced âintricate balletsâ of change and movement (Sandercock 2003; Stevens 2007; Tonkiss 2005; 2013; Wise this volume). In Jacobsâ writing on North American cities, regular and supposedly incidental encounters were central to the development of trust, respect and the organisation of public life. This is a sentiment notable in a wide range of work on urban civility and collective culture, which has traced the virtues of âpublic spaces that are open, crowded, diverse, incomplete, improvised, disorderly or lightly regulatedâ (Amin 2008, 8; Laurier and Philo 2006a, 2006b; Watson 2006).
Linked to this celebration of the city and its interest in urban sociality has been a concern with âthe strangerâ as one of the cityâs defining figures (Ahmed 2000; Amin 2012; Diken 1998; Donald 1999; Schuermans this volume). A concern with the urban stranger reflects longstanding anxieties about the presence of unknown others in urban life. Drawing on Simmelâs (1903) pioneering analysis of the demands of modernity and its intensification of obligatory associations, considerations of urban sociality have foregrounded the aversion, repulsion and potential conflict that are attendant in urban street life (Amin 2012; Diken 1998; Donald 1999). Simmelâs analysis of the âstrangerâ in the modern metropolis has thus been utilised as a reminder that urban sociality is never a wholly romantic or progressive affair (Parker 2011; Sennett 1970). At the same time, Ervine Goffmanâs (1963) work on the ârules of conductâ that shape public interactions has also been influential in critically questioning how people negotiate âstrangeâ encounters. Rules of conduct, he argued, play a key role in shaping the social organisation of gatherings and face-to-face interactions between the unacquainted. Goffmanâs insights have thus laid the grounds for studies that have catalogued the norms, rules and procedures of interaction that shape encounters and compose urban life (Jensen 2006; Laurier and Philo 2006a; Wilson 2011).
From this work on urban sociality, whether the celebration of âthrown-togethernessâ or the negotiation of unknown others, we would highlight four interests that relate to the role of urban encounter. First, is with the ethical imperative to be open to the cityâs alterity or âunassimilated othernessâ as part of a wider politics of cultural recognition (Young 1990, 314). This is about cherishing the city as a site where strangers can intermingle without the desire for homogeneity or idealised notions of community (Carter 2011; Fortier 2010), and is therefore focused on ensuring the democracy of city politics, rather than embracing encounters as a matter of pragmatics (Young 1990). Second, is a concern with the role of design in supporting the inter-mingling of strangers (Fincher 2003; Tonkiss 2013; Wood and Landry 2008). Premised on the assumption that declining opportunities for contact will result in the death of public space and a decline in sociality, Sennettâs (1978, 1991) writing has been particularly influential in promoting public interaction as a means to deter the longing for intimacy and insularity associated with private life. Work that has built on these ideas tends to advocate for something more than the general indifference that has often characterised descriptions of urban sociality (see van Leeuwen 2014 for a critique).
Third, and responding directly to some of the celebratory accounts of urban intermingling and its potential, Valentineâs (2008) intervention into discussions of living with difference, highlights a failure to outline exactly how encounters might build the respect, trust and dialogue that is so often present in accounts of urban possibility, accusing earlier writing on the city of ânaivetyâ. Emerging from this intervention is an interest in the gap between values and practices and a recognition that positive encounters in public space do not necessarily address prejudice or private beliefs and values (Valentine and Waite 2012). 2 This work further builds on previous critiques. Amin and Thrift (2002) for example, emphasise just how unpredictable the dynamics of âminglingâ are (Amin 2002, 2008), while highlighting that the other sites, influences, connections and experiences that are significant to the formation of urban culture are regularly overlooked (Amin 2004). These critiques have resulted in calls for research into the more âirregular, haphazard and ordinaryâ spaces of the city and for a better investment in the âcomplex and texturedâ understandings of the people and places that are evoked by these debates (Watson 2006:14; Laurier and Philo 2006b).
2 This intervention is notable for its nod towards Gordon Allportâs âContact Theoryâ (1954) in psychology, which focused on the role of positive, interpersonal contact in reducing prejudice between different groups ...