Multiple Nuclei Model

6 Key excerpts on "Multiple Nuclei Model"

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  eBook - PDF

  Urban Economics: A Global Perspective

  • Paul N. Balchin, David Isaac, Jean Chen(Authors)
  • 2019(Publication Date)
  • Red Globe Press

    (Publisher)

  The number of nuclei would generally 92 Urban Economics: A Global Perspective be greater in large urban areas than in small cities and there would be a greater degree of specialization within each nucleus. The multiple-nuclei model related initially to cities within the United States where grid-iron road patterns separated land uses geometrically. But less regular route patterns and use boundaries in other countries do not invalidate the basic principles of the theory. Theories of urban spatial structure are as much descriptive as analytical. They explain how cities change their form, and very rarely will a single theory be adequate for this task. The concentric zone theory, while recog-nizing that the transitional zone experiences deterioration prior to eventual redevelopment, ignores the same trend occurring elsewhere – for example, on the rural–urban fringe. None of the theories explains satisfactorily the significance of sub-centres to urban growth, and none pays sufficient attention to agglomeration; most ignore the important changes that occur Figure 3.5 The multiple-nuclei theory within the central business district and which affect the urban area as a whole; and, perhaps more importantly, all fail to consider the process of decentralization. While the above theories of urban structure are particularly relevant to North America and to much of Europe, they are less relevant to urban areas in Australia and New Zealand. In contrast to the United States and the United Kingdom, where there are fairly discrete zones or sectors of specific types of housing and socio-economic class, Australian and New Zealand cities are characterized by separate single-storey houses, large expanses of open space, a comparative lack of social polarization and relatively few areas of slum housing (except in Sydney).

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  Urban Geography

  An Introductory Analysis

  • James H. Johnson, W. B. Fisher(Authors)
  • 2013(Publication Date)
  • Pergamon

    (Publisher)

  The multiple nuclei idea allows for the fact that the internal geo-graphy of cities owes much to the peculiarities of their individual sites, as well as to the operation of more general economic and social forces. Yet even the nature of the detailed site operates within a framework pro-vided by social and economic factors. An area with a well-drained, wooded terrain often favours the development of a high-class residential area, but this process also depends on the social assessment of what constitutes a desirable environment for residential building and on the location of the area in a section of the urban fringe which is ripe for development. Similarly, heavy industry may be attracted by a flat, ill-drained area (or, more precisely, by the cheap, extensive sites which such an area offers), provided that suitable transport facilities are avail-able and that this kind of industry is present in a particular city. In the Multiple Nuclei theory, too, the history of individual cities is also seen as an important factor shaping the form of urban development. Harris and Ullman cite the case of central London, with the area of the medieval city now providing the location for the most important finan-cial activities and the area around the Palace of Westminster providing the centre for political administration. But, again, more general eco-nomic and social factors are also operating, since internal specialization within their central areas is a general feature of large cities; and the pro-cess of metropolitan growth, an important factor in the development of central London, is also an international phenomenon. Whatever the reasons for their origins, once nuclei for various types of activities have been established, the general factors encouraging the sorting out of urban activities into distinctive land use regions confirm and develop the pre-existing pattern.

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  The New Urban Economics

  And Alternatives

  • H.W. Richardson(Author)
  • 2013(Publication Date)
  • Routledge

    (Publisher)

  6 The multicentric city

  Introduction

  The dominance of the assumption of a monocentric city in NUE models is easy to understand. It permits analytical solutions by making the mathematics tractable. The concentration of jobs at one location, and the associated assumption that the workplace is centrally located, allows the two dimensions of space to be compressed into one. This disregard of nonwork trips (either by assuming that shopping trips are part of the journey-to-work or by assuming that shops are distributed spatially in the same way as population) enables the allocation of expenditures between transport and other items in the household budget to be determined relatively easily, as well as allowing a simple treatment of the demand for land for transport purposes compared with competing land uses. Once the assumption of a single workplace is dropped, an early extension is to allow specialization of function among a hierarchy of centres, and this means relaxing the assumption of a composite consumption good, which is a considerable analytical convenience. Once multiple goods are introduced, with specialization among centres, the model has to accommodate intrametropolitan freight shipments as well as deal with a much more complex commuting pattern. It may no longer be possible to obtain determinate solutions, and rent and density surfaces may cease to be smooth and differentiable. In these circumstances, it is hardly surprising that NUE modellers have preferred to compromise with reality and work with the abstraction of the mono centric city.

  It is not possible at this stage to develop a satisfactory model of multicentric urban structures. Spatial concentrations in cities are usually explained in terms of the benefits of agglomeration economies, but knowledge of how these forces operate remains very limited. Accordingly only a few eclectic observations as to how such a model might eventually be developed will be offered here. No attempt will be made to suggest solutions to the problem of mathematical intractability.

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  Study On Globalizing Cities, A: Theoretical Frameworks And China's Modes

  Theoretical Frameworks and China's Modes

  • Zhenhua Zhou(Author)
  • 2014(Publication Date)
  • WCPC

    (Publisher)

  In the development process of theories, after Burgess and the others put forward the theories of the urban spatial structure with mono-center, as early as in 1945, Harris and Ullman (1945) put forward the theories of urban spatial structure of multicore. To them, there are four factors influencing the distribution of urban events, namely, some events need a few areas located in the city center with proper facilities, some events needs the bordering areas, some events tends to have resistant or negative effects to other events, and some events have to locate in inappropriate places because they cannot afford to the expensive cost of the ideal ones. With the interaction of the four factors, the influence of history, or the features of some areas, the distribution of regional spaces formed their respective cores. But this theory attaches less importance to the functions between the multicores, especially to the analysis on the differences between the cores and the orientation of the overall development of the city. In 1981, Muller broadened the theory of multicores, and put forward a new mode of spatial structure of the metropolis, as an urban spatial structure composed of the central city, inner suburbs, outside suburbs, and city edges. Among them, outside suburbs form several small cities. Therefore, compared to the mode of multicores, this mode can be named the mode of multicenters.

  In such a case, the population of the central city moves to the suburbs, including the main important industry sectors, and there is a tendency to gather in different centers of the suburbs. At the beginning, the sectors are mainly the manufacturing industry, followed by logistics, retailing, and service; facilities such as culture, education, sanitation, and entertainment. As more and more companies and financial institutions appeared in suburbs, the various kinds of economic events are distributed in different centers of the suburbs. So, the suburbs will have more complete functions and thus form the new city district closely related to the original central district of the city, and an urban spatial structure with multicenters is shaped. Of course, the emergence of urban multicenters is based on the connection of track transportation, which is distributed in the areas along the main lines of transportation. This fast track transportation network meets the needs of road traffic, information transmission, food, and entertainment of city life, and connects the different centers to an organic integrity.

  As a globalizing city, it is urgent to adapt to the changes of this urban spatial structure. The reasons are obvious: one of them is that a globalizing city has to face and experience the new breakthroughs of science technologies, and the rising service sectors has replaced the traditional industries and become the mainstay industry, a global network system based on modern information technology has formed and changed, making it a core question to match the special functions of main nodal points to the urban spatial structure with multicenters.

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  New Forces Of Development, The: Territorial Policy For Endogenous Development

  Territorial Policy for Endogenous Development

  • Antonio Vazquez-barquero(Author)
  • 2010(Publication Date)
  • World Scientific

    (Publisher)

  As Meijers (2005) argues, one of the ideas behind the concept of the polycentric urban region is that the economic functions, urban facilities, residential services, and business environment are provided jointly by the region’s cities and settlements, and not by a single city. Therefore, firms, citizens, visitors, and tourists can choose between a broader and more specialized set of urban functions and services. This model of spatial organization is distinct and specific because economies of agglomeration are based on the complementary pro-ductive systems that have increasingly been established among cities and settlements in a region, as well as on the cooperation among actors and decision-makers of a region. In short, the development of urban network structures, such as those which characterize polycen-tric regions, provides increasing efficiency to this type of spatial organization model as a result of the synergies that arise between localities and cities. Finally, territorial systems with polycentric development have a specific form of territorial organization that is rooted in the system of economic and social relations which evolve between the firms of an industrial district (Dematteis, 1991). Multiple cases of local pro-duction systems have been studied in late developed countries of Southern Europe. In Italy, industrial districts are found all over the country, especially in the Northern regions such as Lombardy, Polycentric Development of the Territory 115 Tuscany, Emilia-Romagna, and Marche. The same occurs in Spain, where at least 83 local production systems have been identified and are located in specific cities and localities such as the Mediterranean coast (Alicante and Murcia), the Balearic Islands, the axis of the Ebro River valley (Navarra and Rioja), and Galicia (Pontevedra).

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  Visualizing Human Geography

  At Home in a Diverse World

  • Alyson L. Greiner(Author)
  • 2017(Publication Date)
  • Wiley

    (Publisher)

  This model was based largely on his observations of San Francisco, where the suburbs had become self-sufficient centers. Each suburb was a new urban realm—an independent entity with its own down- town or commercial center. Vance’s model recognizes the In 1939, the economist Homer Hoyt proposed the sector model to describe the land-use patterns and spatial structure of cities. This model places greater em- phasis on the role of transportation and incorporates Hoyt’s observation that the location of high-income groups influences the direction of a city’s growth. New high-class neighborhoods tend to be built along the outer edges of cities. This sets in motion a process of succession called filtering. As Kenneth Jackson, an expert in urban history, concisely explains, filtering is “the se- quential reuse of housing by progressively lower income households” (1985, p. 285). Figure 8.11 compares and contrasts the sector and concentric zone models. Multiple nuclei and urban realms models In 1945, two geographers, Chauncy Harris and Edward Ullman, proposed the Multiple Nuclei Model as an alternative way of understanding the urban spatial structure of North American cities. Harris and Ullman observed that cities Early models of North American cities • Figure 8.11 Early studies of U.S. cities gave rise to these two, now classic, models of urban structure. ▲ a. Burgess’s concentric zone model Similar patterns of land use develop around the CBD in rings, or in the case of Chicago, concentric arcs because of the city’s lakefront location. Nonresidential land use occurs primarily in the Loop, the local name for the CBD, and spreads into the zone in transition, which is also the destination of newly arrived immigrants.

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