Hoyt Sector Model

3 Key excerpts on "Hoyt Sector Model"

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  eBook - ePub

  Socio-Economic Models in Geography (Routledge Revivals)

  • Richard Chorley, Peter Haggett(Authors)
  • 2013(Publication Date)
  • Taylor & Francis

    (Publisher)

  Although Blumenfeld (1949) claims that the concentric pattern is found in Philadelphia and Smith (1962) has recognized some of the zones in Calgary, Canada, distortions will inevitably be introduced by natural barriers and the pattern of transport routes. Hartman (1950) shows that the circular shaped city form necessary for the development of pure concentric land use patterns will only result if there is a strong radial component in the transport system, and then only if the number of radial routes is quite large and they are closely spaced. Fewer radial routes spaced more widely apart give rise to marked differences in intra-urban accessibility to result in a ‘star’ shaped form in which concentric arrangements of land use are distorted and even destroyed.

  Sector Models. Models of this type are developed on the assumption that the internal structure of the city is conditioned by the disposition of routes radiating outwards from the city centre. Differences in accessibility between radials causes marked sectoral variation in the land value surface and correspondingly an arrangement of land uses in sectors. This is the basis of the model proposed by Hoyt (1939B) who hypothesizes that similar land uses concentrate along a particular radial route from the city centre to form sectors as shown in Figure 9.22B . Thus a high rent residential district in one sector of the city would migrate outwards in that direction by the addition of new growth on its outer arc. Similarly, low rent districts in another part of the city would develop by the same process in that direction. The sectors of high-class residential areas would seem to be particularly pronounced in the direction of high ground and open spaces.

  Although the model is descriptive, it is clearly an improvement on the earlier concentric zone idea since both distance and direction from the city centre are taken into consideration. Perhaps because of this, sectoral arrangements have been identified in many cities. There is evidence of a sector of high-class residential land use with high land values along the northern shore of Lake Michigan and sectors of low-class residences in the south and industry in the west of Chicago (Yeates, 1965). For Belfast, Jones (1960) found that the pattern of high-class residential areas was consistent with the sector model, while Smith (1962) claims that sectors rather than concentric zones seem to be most meaningful in Calgary, Canada. Although approximations to an inner core area surrounded by a transition zone and an outer commuting zone are found in this city, the two middle residential zones postulated in the concentric model are not apparent in any form. Most of the major land uses however, formed something like sectors.

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  Urban Geography

  An Introductory Analysis

  • James H. Johnson, W. B. Fisher(Authors)
  • 2013(Publication Date)
  • Pergamon

    (Publisher)

  Distinctive sectors of land use were likely to grow out from the centre, often focused on major routeways (Fig. 49, A ) . Certainly this idea of the wedge-like expansion of urban areas is an improvement on the earlier theory in that it pays more attention to the after PJ. Smith FIG. 50. Calgary, 1961: land use and its interpretation by sectors. (Source: Smith, Economic Geography 38 (1962), 318 and 328.) —» 5 Theories of Urban Structure 175 SHIFTS IN LOCATION OF FASHIONABLE RESIDENTIAL AREAS FIG. 51. Shifts in the location of fashionable residential areas. (Source: Federal Housing Administration, The Structure and Growth of Residential Neighbourhoods in American Cities (1939), p. 115.) The illustration shows in diagrammatic form how high rent residential areas have migrated outwards over time in various United States cities. model. Nor does it follow that a whole sector will be geographically similar at any one moment of time. The older, more central, buildings may well undergo change—for example, as a result of the social leap-frogging described in an earlier chapter. In a study of thirty American cities published in 1939, Homer Hoyt showed in diagrammatic form arrangement, as layer upon layer of houses are added to the urban fringes. Hence it is probably better to look upon Hoyt's theory as a re-finement rather than as a radical alteration of the earlier concentric 176 Urban Geography how high-rent areas, that is the best residential districts, migrated outwards (Fig. 51). In other words, these cities show elements of both a concentric and a sector structure. The possibility of the coexistence of the two theories is also illus-trated by Peter Mann's suggestion of the urban structure of the typical medium-sized British city, large enough to have considerable internal T H E S T R U C T U R E OF A HYPOTHETICAL BRITISH CITY B ^ -— — T p © A > 4 © © after P. Mann FIG. 52. The structure of a hypothetical British city.

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  Dimensions of Urban Social Structure

  The Social Areas of Melbourne, Australia

  • Frank Jones(Author)
  • 2019(Publication Date)
  • University of Toronto Press

    (Publisher)

  But before long these gave way to an indefinite number of concentric zones located more or less arbitrarily at mile or half-mile intervals from the central business district. To test the Burgess hypothesis, census tract data were aggregated within each zone, and the variation between zones for one or more social characteristics was noted. Within-zone variation was typically ignored, and the hypothesis was held to be supported if the characteristics selected declined, or increased, regularly with increasing distance from the city centre—that is, conformed to a regular gradient pattern (Burgess 1925). An alternative, and sometimes complementary, approach was to follow Hoyt's emphasis on axial differences in urban residential struc-ture, and to test for sectoral rather than concentric patterns. This re-quired the aggregation of areal data not by concentric zones but by 14 2 The Framework of Analysis 15 arbitrary sectors extending from the centre of the city (Hoyt 1939). A number of studies have attempted to evaluate the relative explanatory power of Burgess's and Hoyt's views of the social differentiation of residential areas, but, as Anderson and Egeland have pointed out, the dependence (at least operationally) of both schemes on average values for large zones or sectors of the city has usually made it very difficult to assess precisely how much of the variation in residential patterns is actually accounted for by either scheme (Anderson and Egeland 1961). The Burgess and the Hoyt schemes reduce the complexity of varia-tion in the social characteristics of residential areas by employing very coarse and generalised areal units (zones or sectors). The aggregation of areas to form a smaller number of zones or sectors serves to focus attention on the variation between them rather than within them.

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