Infant Mortality Rate

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  Biostatistics

  • (Author)
  • 2014(Publication Date)
  • Research World

    (Publisher)

  The Infant Mortality Rate is also called the infant death rate (per 1,000 live births). Historically, infant mortality claimed a considerable percentage of children born, in the 1850s in america it was estamated to be as 216.8 per 1,000 for whites and 340.0 for african americans but rates have significantly declined in the West in modern times. This has been mainly due to improvements in basic health care, though high-technology medical advances have also helped. Infant Mortality Rate is commonly included as a part of standard of living evaluations in economics. Comparing Infant Mortality Rates The Infant Mortality Rate correlates very weakly with, and is among the best predictors of, state failure. IMR is therefore also a useful indicator of a country's level of health or development, and is a component of the physical quality of life index. However, the method of calculating IMR often varies widely between countries, and is based on how ________________________ WORLD TECHNOLOGIES ________________________ they define a live birth and how many premature infants are born in the country. The World Health Organization (WHO) defines a live birth as any born human being who demonstrates independent signs of life, including breathing, voluntary muscle movement, or heartbeat. Many countries, however, including certain European states and Japan, only count as live births cases where an infant breathes at birth, which makes their reported IMR numbers somewhat lower and raises their rates of perinatal mortality. The exclusion of any risk infants from the denominator or numerator in reported IMRs can be problematic for comparisons. Many countries, including the United States, Sweden or Germany, count an infant exhibiting any sign of life as alive, no matter the month of gestation or the size, but according to United States Centers for Disease Control (CDC) researchers, some other countries differ in these practices.

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  Infant Mortality: A Continuing Social Problem

  • Eilidh Garrett, Chris Galley, Nicola Shelton, Robert Woods(Authors)
  • 2018(Publication Date)
  • Routledge

    (Publisher)

  Infants are the most vulnerable members of society, they rely exclusively on others for their survival and hence the rate at which they perish is often taken to be a critical measure of that society's wellbeing. According to Newman (1906: 1). 'A low rate, other things being equal, indicates a healthy community, a high rate the reverse' and, with the IMR being simple to calculate, it is frequently used as a surrogate for a wide variety of social, environmental and medical indicators. During the nineteenth century, as the science of vital statistics developed, information about births and deaths became readily available and it gradually began to emerge that, with the exception of the very old, infants were subjected to the greatest risk of dying. Moreover, once the considerable spatial variations in infant mortality were revealed, it was obvious that many infant deaths were preventable and an increasing number of concerned individuals began to investigate the reasons why so many infants did not survive their first year. Despite these efforts the IMR remained high and by the early twentieth century, with the birth rate declining and notions of national deterioration to the fore, infant mortality developed into an issue of national importance (see Chapter 2). As Newman was writing Infant Mortality the IMR in England and Wales was still over 150, which represented a considerable drain on national resources. In 1905 'there was a loss to the nation of 120,000 dead infants in England and Wales alone, a figure which is exactly one quarter of all the deaths in England and Wales in that year' (Newman, 1906: 2). However, unbeknown to Newman, the IMR had already begun a decline that would continue throughout the twentieth century (Figure 1.1). Newman's book was therefore written at an interesting and significant turning point in demographic history - IMRs were still horrendously high, but they were just beginning to be brought under control

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  Encyclopedia of Gender and Society

  • Jodi O'Brien, Jodi O′Brien, Jodi O'Brien(Authors)
  • 2008(Publication Date)
  • SAGE Publications, Inc

    (Publisher)

  High Infant Mortality Rates point to unmet human health needs in sanitation, medical care, nutrition, and education. The Infant Mortality Rate is an age-specific ratio, used by epidemiologists, demographers, physicians, and social scientists to better understand the extent and causes of infant deaths. To compute last year’s Infant Mortality Rate in a given area, one would need to know how many babies were born alive in the area during the period, and how many babies born alive died before their first birthday during that time. Then the number of infant deaths is divided by the number of infant births and then the results are multiplied by 1,000 so that the rate reflects the number of infant deaths per 1,000 births in a standardized manner. Alternately, the rate could be multiplied by 10,000 or 1,000,000 depending on the desired comparison level. For example: Infant Mortality Rate = Number of infant deaths less than age one during 2008 x 1000 / Number of live births during 2008 There are a number of causes for infant mortality, including poor sanitation and water quality, malnour-ishment of mother and infant, inadequate prenatal and medical care, and the use of infant formulas as a breast milk substitute. Women’s status and disparities of wealth are also reflected in Infant Mortality Rates. Where women have few rights and where there is a large income difference between the poor and the wealthy, Infant Mortality Rates tend to be high. Contributing to the problem are limited education and access to birth control, which lead to high numbers of births per women with short intervals in between. High frequency births allow less recovery time for women as well as potential food shortages in poor families. When women are educated, they are more likely to give birth at later ages and to seek better health care and greater education for their children, including their daughters. This entry discusses factors that affect Infant Mortality Rates.

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  In Excellent Health

  Setting the Record Straight on America's Health Care

  • Scott W. Atlas(Author)
  • 2013(Publication Date)
  • Hoover Institution Press

    (Publisher)

  CHAPTER THREE Infant Mortality as an Indicator of Health and Health Care

  Virtually all national and international agencies involved in statistical assessments of health status, health care and, more broadly, economic development use the Infant Mortality Rate, and rely on it heavily, as one of their key indicators. The list includes some of the most respected organizations in the world, such as the World Bank, the World Health Organization, UNICEF, the United Nations, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, the Central Intelligence Agency, and innumerable others.1 The infant mortality statistic is granted especially high prominence relative to other measures in all international assessments of health, as well. For example, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) assesses “Quality of Life” and relies on just three indicators: life expectancy, infant mortality, and obesity in its Factbook. 2 This highly esteemed international organization also selects infant mortality as one of only sixteen key tables for its OECD Health 2010 data. Similarly, the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ) includes infant mortality among only eight mortality measures it tracks, four of which are cancers, to compile its National Index of Health (most recently in 2010).3 The CIA’s World Factbook , published for almost seventy years including its predecessor programs, bases its widely cited “Country Comparisons” on six main categories, and in the “People” category, infant mortality is one of only twelve subcategories listed, and then ranked worldwide.4 Some authors even go so far as to proclaim that, “Infant mortality is the single most comprehensive indicator of the level of health in a society.”5

  Simple logic also dictates that infant mortality should be a legitimate reflection of health care for several reasons. Births, whether routine or complicated, occur in and out of hospitals so they reflect the availability as well as quality of medical care; newborns are among the most vulnerable to life-threatening illness; infants are regularly seen by doctors in sickness and for scheduled medical check-ups; and diseases of infants run the gamut from common traumas and illnesses that require emergency but straightforward treatment to severe diseases with serious complications and high fatality rates that require complex medical care. It is clear that infants encounter the medical system frequently, and it is inarguable that medical care and access to it have significant impact on infant survival.

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  Atlas Of Mexico

  • James B Pick(Author)
  • 2020(Publication Date)
  • Routledge

    (Publisher)

  The border region is low, except for Chihuahua, as is the southeast. As suggested by Rabell (1986), infant mortality shows a close correspondence with indicators of economic underdevelopment, such as low income (Map 8.4A), and to indicators of poor health, such as children receiving no weekly meat or eggs (Map 5.2B). However, it does not have an inverse relationship with hospitals and clinics per 10,000 population (Map 5.2A), but, rather, hospitals and clinics are positively related to infant mortality. The reason may be that Mexican health planning has placed hospitals in areas of greater infant morbidity and mortality. Another reason may be that beginning in 1972, infant deaths have been registered at place of the death, rather than place of 119 residence (Partida, 1982). Therefore, moribund infants may have been treated, and registered, in states with better availability of hospitals. In Mexico in 1980, infectious and parasitic disease was the leading cause of death for infants (Rabell, 1986). Thus, there is a substantial correspondence between geographic patterns of infant mortality and standardized mortality rate from infections (Map 5.1F). Crude and Standardized Mortality Rates, 1979 The crude mortality rate is the ratio of deaths to total population for a one year period. It is use-ful as an indicator of the current extent of mortality in a population. However, it is has a weakness of being dependent on the age structure of a population. For instance, for a very young population with a low crude mortality rate, the crude rate may reflect young age, rather than favorable mortality. Age standardization of the crude rate adjusts the rate for the relative youth of its age structure. In the atlas, standardized mortality rates are calculated by indirect standardization (see Shryock and Siegel, 1976, for a more complete explanation). This method adjusts the crude mortality rate for a given population, in this case Mexico, by reference to a standard population.

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  Infant Mortality and Working-Class Child Care, 1850-1899

  • Melanie Reynolds(Author)
  • 2016(Publication Date)
  • Palgrave Macmillan

    (Publisher)

  They show that there is evidence of diverse regional trends in infant mortality throughout the late nineteenth century. 78 Indeed, even proponents of the role of public health measures in addressing the IMR (albeit in part), such as Szreter and Wohl, allude to the fractured nature of these initiatives, due to the heavy cost, levels of ignorance in respect of their effect, and the degree of local inclination to pursue public health schemes. 79 The clear regional bias identified by Woods and Shelton, whereby the highest and most persistent IMR as a consequence of infantile diarrhoea and its stablemates, atrophy and marasmus, was evident throughout the industrial areas of the midlands and the north is mirrored in the works of Williams and Mooney, who show that the rates in Blackburn, Bolton and Preston remained between 160 and 230/1000 during the 1840s to the 1890s, and who argue that this may be explained in part by the slow adoption of ‘improving’ initiatives. 80 Currently, it is beyond doubt that a persuasive body of research has accumulated which indicates that high infant mortality was a largely urban phenomenon with considerable regional variations. Thomas Forbes, for example, has demonstrated clear links between the prevalence of infant mortality and the extent of urbanisation, a point echoed by Robert Millward and Frances Bell in their study of the Yorkshire textile towns of Bradford and Leeds and in Lancashire. 81 The research of Naomi Williams and Graham Mooney reinforces the synergy between industrial, urban population centres in the north, and high levels of infant mortality

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  Population Under Duress

  Geodemography Of Post-soviet Russia

  • George J Demko, Steven K Pontius, Zhanna Zaionchkovskaya, Gregory Ioffe(Authors)
  • 2018(Publication Date)
  • Taylor & Francis

    (Publisher)

  Until new data were released, it was difficult for analysts to agree on the geographic location of the largest increases in infant mortality in the early 1970s. Much of the debate over the rise in Soviet infant mortality rested on conjectures about the regional components of the change and about whether change in certain regions was real or the result of changes in operational definitions, data collection practices, and overall data quality improvement. Some new data on IMRs began to appear in 1986. The renewal of publication of data on IMRs was followed by the publication of more detailed information about infant deaths, including survival rates for shorter periods (e.g., seven days, one month), causes of death, urban-rural differences, and ethnic differences. This additional information served as a basis for studies of error in the data as well as studies of the actual patterns and trends in infant mortality (e.g., Baranov, Albitskiy, and Komarov 1990; Blum and Monnier 1989; Ksenofontova 1990, 1994; Pinelli, Antonella, and Lapi 1994; Velkoff 1990, 1992; Velkoff and Miller 1995). Also, more data were published that referred not only to the missing interval since 1974 but also to earlier dates. By culling a large number of sources, for the first time we have been able to assemble information on the reported Infant Mortality Rates for every union republic for almost every year from 1950 to 1990. The data appendix (Table 5.3) presents the full series of IMR data by republic that we have collected. Using these data, we focus on a major dimension of the trends in infant mortality in the Soviet Union: the geographic distribution of infant mortality and the relative contributions of different regions to the all-Union rates

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  The Mexico Handbook

  Economic And Demographic Maps And Statistics

  • James B Pick, Edgar W Butler(Authors)
  • 2019(Publication Date)
  • Taylor & Francis

    (Publisher)

  6 Mortality, Health, and Housing • Introduction • Mortality • Health • Housing 137 138 Introduction This chapter examines mortality, health, and housing. Mortality includes infant mortality, which indicates the force of 'mortality relative to fertility in the first year of life. Crude and standardized mortality are measures of the overall impact of mortality on the population as a whole. Standardization adjusts mortality for age structural differences from state to state. Mortality is analyzed for the five major causes of death categories in Mexico, namely cardiovascular, respiratory, nutritional/metabolic/endocrine/immunity, trauma, and cancer. For these death causes, geographic and longitudinal changes are noted, as well as comparison among causes. The section on health examines the national levels of hospitals and health personnel in the late 80s. It includes a variable from the 1980 census that was not included in 199~o meat and eggs, i.e., the proportion of the population lacking these dietary items. Housing indicators analyzed include housing density and crowding, several characteristics of housing units, and home ownership. These variables reflect the lifestyle of Mexicans and are linked to urban and economic conditions. Mortality Infant Mortality Rate, 1990 The Infant Mortality Rate measures the mortality of infants in the first year of life. It is defined as the ratio, for a one year period, of deaths to persons under one year of age to 1,000 live births. In 1993, Mexico's Infant Mortality Rate is estimated at 38 (Population Reference Bureau 1993). This represents a one quarter decrease from the rate of 50 in 1988 (Population Reference Bureau 1988). The Infant Mortality Rate tends to be related to health and medical care conditions, and more generally to economic development levels, for a nation or other geographic unit (Rabell et al. 1986).

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  World Mortality Report 2015

  • United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs(Author)
  • 2017(Publication Date)
  • United Nations Publications

    (Publisher)

  Table A3 Infant Mortality Rate (deaths under age 1 per 1,000 live births)* Male Country or area 1950-55 1990-95 2010-15 1950-2015 Absolute Per cent 1990-95 2010-15 1990-95 2010-15 (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) Both sexes Average annual change (1990-2015) Female South-Eastern Asia 157 47 24 -1.2 -2.4 52 27 42 21 Brunei Darussalam 81 13 4 -0.4 -3.4 13 5 12 4 Cambodia 143 86 30 -2.8 -3.3 94 33 78 26 Indonesia 193 56 25 -1.6 -2.8 62 28 51 22 Lao People's Democratic Republic 177 96 47 -2.4 -2.6 103 50 88 43 Malaysia 8 102 12 7 -0.3 -2.2 13 8 11 6 Myanmar 214 73 46 -1.3 -1.8 82 52 63 40 Philippines 97 36 23 -0.6 -1.8 40 26 32 21 Singapore 61 5 2 -0.1 -3.1 5 2 4 1 Thailand 128 26 11 -0.7 -2.8 29 13 23 10 Timor-Leste 265 119 44 -3.7 -3.2 128 48 109 39 Viet Nam 104 34 19 -0.7 -2.1 38 22 29 17 Western Asia 192 48 24 -1.2 -2.5 52 27 43 22 Armenia 83 44 13 -1.5 -3.5 48 15 40 11 Azerbaijan 9 120 82 40 -2.1 -2.6 88 42 75 36 Bahrain 173 15 7 -0.4 -2.7 15 8 15 6 Cyprus 10 65 9 4 -0.2 -2.7 10 5 8 4 Georgia 11 80 45 14 -1.6 -3.5 48 15 41 12 Iraq 225 37 32 -0.2 -0.6 39 35 34 29 Israel 39 8 3 -0.2 -2.9 9 4 8 3 Jordan 147 29 17 -0.6 -2.1 31 19 27 15 Kuwait 124 13 9 -0.2 -1.6 14 10 12 8 Lebanon 68 25 9 -0.8 -3.2 27 9 23 9 Oman 211 31 7 -1.2 -3.8 32 8 29 7 Qatar 106 15 6 -0.4 -2.8 15 7 14 6 Saudi Arabia 202 30 15 -0.8 -2.5 33 16 28 15 State of Palestine 12 140 33 21 -0.6 -1.9 36 23 30 18 Syrian Arab Republic 141 26 18 -0.4 -1.6 29 20 23 16 Turkey 218 56 13 -2.2 -3.9 64 15 48 11 United Arab Emirates 181 16 6 -0.5 -3.1 18 7 15 5 Yemen 251 84 54 -1.5 -1.8 89 58 78 49 EUROPE 72 13 5 -0.4 -2.9 14 6 11 5 Eastern Europe 90 19 8 -0.6 -3.0 22 9 17 7 Belarus 96 15 4 -0.6 -3.7 17 5 13 3 Bulgaria 92 15 9 -0.3 -2.1 17 10 13 8 Czech Republic 46 9 2 -0.3 -3.7 11 3 8 2 Hungary 72 13 5 -0.4 -3.2 15 5 12 4 Poland 79 16 5 -0.6 -3.6 18 5 15 4 Republic of Moldova 13 81 29 11 -0.9 -3.1 33 12 25

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  Disease Control Priorities, Third Edition

  Volume 2. Reproductive, Maternal, Newborn, and Child Health

  • Robert Black, Ramanan Laxminarayan, Marleen Temmerman, Neff Walker(Authors)
  • 2016(Publication Date)
  • World Bank

    (Publisher)

  In East Asia and Pacific and South Asia, which are the two regions with shares of global deaths under age five years of more than 10 percent, the proportion declined, from 13 percent to 10 percent and from 37 percent to 33 percent, respectively. Estimates of stillbirth rates have not been developed by gender of the fetus, but estimates are available of the conventional U5MR by gender. For LMICs overall in 2013, the ratio of boys to girls U5MR was about 1.08, but this average conceals substantial regional variation. For Europe and Central Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, East Asia and Pacific, and HICs, the ratio ranged from 1.19 to 1.26; for Sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East and North Africa, the ratio was about 1.15, but was less than 1.0 in South Asia, indicating a disadvantage for girls (results not shown). The numbers of deaths by gender of child reflect both differences in risk by gender and differences in gender ratios at birth, such that the overall ratio for LMICs of deaths of boys to deaths of girls under age five years is 1.17; this rate varies from 1.08 in South Asia to about 1.30 in East Asia and Pacific (elevated by the very high sex ratio at birth in China), Europe and Central Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, and HICs. As a general rule (Hill and Upchurch 1995), the ratio of boys to girls U5MR tends to rise as overall U5MR declines until it reaches values of less than about 25 per 1,000 live births, so the ratio for LMICs is likely to increase in coming decades. Discussion and Policy Implications A major advance in the discussion of child mortality change in this chapter is the inclusion of stillbirths in overall mortality before age five years; this change adds 2.5 million deaths before age five, many of them pre-ventable given existing interventions, to the global total in 2015. We see this as important because some overlap exists between the infrastructure and interventions to prevent stillbirths and those to reduce neonatal deaths.

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