Study Guides

What is the American Indian Movement?

PhD, English Literature (Lancaster University)


Date Published: 14.10.2024,

Last Updated: 14.10.2024

Table of contents

    Definition

    The American Indian Movement (AIM) is a Native American civil rights organization that began in Minneapolis in 1968. It was founded by Ojibwe activists Dennis Banks and Clyde Bellecourt, alongside George Mitchell, Mary Jane Wilson, Pat Ballenger, and Eddie Benton Banai. At the peak of the movement in the 1960s and 70s, AIM activists spoke out against the discrimination of Indigenous people in housing, education, employment, and through the judicial system. In addition, AIM fought for the reclamation of ancestral land, most of which had been seized due to the Indian Removal Act of 1830. As Andrew Smith writes, 

    The stated goals of AIM were to bring awareness to the ongoing economic and social discrimination against Native Americans in the United States, to obtain more civil rights for Native Americans, to improve conditions on tribal reservations, and to obtain greater sovereignty for tribes [...]. To accomplish these tasks, AIM was prepared to use armed confrontation with federal and state governments. Although AIM was unsuccessful in some of its more radical proposals, its activities managed to bring national awareness to the plight of Native American tribes and eventually led to greater tribal control of Indian reservation affairs. (“American Indian Movement (AIM),” Encyclopedia of American Civil Rights and Liberties, 2017)

    Encyclopedia of American Civil Rights and Liberties book cover
    Encyclopedia of American Civil Rights and Liberties

    Edited by Kara E. Stooksbury, John M. Scheb II, and Otis H. Stephens Jr.

    The stated goals of AIM were to bring awareness to the ongoing economic and social discrimination against Native Americans in the United States, to obtain more civil rights for Native Americans, to improve conditions on tribal reservations, and to obtain greater sovereignty for tribes [...]. To accomplish these tasks, AIM was prepared to use armed confrontation with federal and state governments. Although AIM was unsuccessful in some of its more radical proposals, its activities managed to bring national awareness to the plight of Native American tribes and eventually led to greater tribal control of Indian reservation affairs. (“American Indian Movement (AIM),” Encyclopedia of American Civil Rights and Liberties, 2017)

    AIM was part of the wider Red Power movement, a Native American movement focused on self-determination for Indigenous people: 

    AIM went on to become a powerful force within the Second and Third Waves of Red Power, to the extent that the organization ended up dominating many narratives of activism and became practically synonymous with the Red Power Movement itself. The group was media savvy, often controversial, pushed for transnational activism, and was involved in some of the most high profile protests [...] (Sam Hitchmough and Kyle T. Mays, Rethinking the Red Power Movement, 2024)

    Rethinking the Red Power Movement book cover
    Rethinking the Red Power Movement

    Sam Hitchmough and Kyle T. Mays

    AIM went on to become a powerful force within the Second and Third Waves of Red Power, to the extent that the organization ended up dominating many narratives of activism and became practically synonymous with the Red Power Movement itself. The group was media savvy, often controversial, pushed for transnational activism, and was involved in some of the most high profile protests [...] (Sam Hitchmough and Kyle T. Mays, Rethinking the Red Power Movement, 2024)

    In this guide, we will explore the origins of the movement, key community initiatives and projects, and AIM's most significant protests, in order to illustrate the impact of AIM within the Native American rights movement. 


    Origins of the movement

    Though AIM was not founded until 1968, Native Americans had long protested their treatment under the US government. For centuries, Indigenous tribes had suffered from their contact with European colonizers, from the loss of life as a result of exposure to disease and fighting, to forced relocation and the loss of their ancestral lands. Over time, parts of Native American culture had been completely eradicated. (To read about the US removal of tribes, see our study guide “What was the Trail of Tears?”). Many had challenged the removal policy in the 1800s through legal channels, by appealing to the Supreme Court, and others, such as the Seminole, fought removal through guerilla warfare and other forms of active resistance. (For more on Native American resistance during this period, see Edward J. Rielly’s Legends of American Indian Resistance, 2011.)


    In 1953, however, a policy of termination was established, ending the financial support for Native Tribes and associated protections of Native-owned lands. A voluntary urban relocation program was offered, encouraging Native Americans to move to the city, as part of a wider goal to assimilate Native American tribes into the US. Removal into the cities, combined with the removal of Native American sovereignty under termination laws, resulted in (among other injustices) police brutality and racial profiling. Though AIM would expand its mission and goals, its primary objective was to tackle discrimination in urban policing. 

    The first AIM meeting was attended by hundreds and held in Minneapolis. Initially called the Concerned Indian American Coalition (CIA), the group changed its name to reclaim the term “American Indian.” These meetings were regularly held and focused on how to advocate for Native rights and create community initiatives. 


    Social activism

    One of AIM’s first actions was founding AIM Patrol in August 1968. This was a citizens’ patrol created in response to police targeting, harassing, and being violent towards Native Americans in Minneapolis. Patrollers were tasked with observing policing in the area, acting as mediators and, if necessary, calling for help should things take a violent turn. Patrollers worked, at first, on Friday and Saturday nights, and could be identified with their red jackets and shirts with the AIM logo printed (seen in Figure 1 below): 


    AIM logo

    Fig. 1. “Flag of the American Indian Movement,” Wikimedia Commons


    Within the first five weeks of the patrol being established, no Native people had been arrested (previously five and six Native arrests were being reported daily). A year later, twenty-two consecutive weeks had passed without any Native American arrests (Brianna Wilson, “AIM Patrol, Minneapolis,MNopedia, 2016). 

    AIM Patrol disbanded around 1975 but was reinstated in 1987 in response to the murders of three Native American women: Kathleen Bullman, Angeline Whitebird Sweet, and Angela Green. 

    The patrol also worked with AIM’s other programs such as the Legal Rights Center, a volunteer-led organization (founded in 1970 by Indigenous and Black community activists) which helped find legal assistance for Native American defendants. AIM further supported convicted Native Americans by introducing education programs for offenders, the first of which was Stillwater Prison in Minnesota in 1978.

    In addition to legal support for Native Americans, AIM further brought about major changes in healthcare by establishing the Indian Health Board in 1971. The Board provided healthcare for Native Americans, after an Ojibwe woman, Gloria Curtis, died as a result of negligent and discriminatory treatment. 

    Adequate schooling for Indigenous people was also a priority for the movement. In 1972, the first AIM school (known as a “Survival School,” an alternative to public schooling) would open (later renamed Heart of the Earth). This would be followed by the Red School House in St. Paul later that year. Such schools addressed the shortage of cultural education that was on the curriculum. (To learn more about these schools from first-hand accounts, see American Archive of Public Broadcasting). AIM was further concerned with education beyond schools, founding the American Indian Opportunities and Industrialization Center (AIOAI) in 1979, a job training programme for Native Americans. 

    AIM did much to improve the lives of Native Americans, creating initiatives designed to support and provide opportunities for Indigenous people. However, AIM is more commonly recognized for its protests and demonstrations that garnered media attention:

    Their activism spread increasingly to reservations and spiritual issues, but it was a group that constantly wrestled with associations very much focused on by the media: the idea that they were violent agitators, unrepresentative militants, and male-centric self-styled warriors. (Hitchmough and Mays, 2024). 

    Protests and demonstrations 

    Alcatraz Island, 1969

    As Troy Johnson explains, the occupation of Alcatraz Island in November 1969, though not organized by AIM, helped to shape the form of the movement: 

    Before Alcatraz, AIM was essentially an Indian rights organization concerned with monitoring law enforcement treatment of Native people in American cities. However, the occupation of Alcatraz captured the imagination of AIM as well as the rest of the country, and as a result, AIM embarked on a historic journey into Indian protest activism. (Contemporary Native American Political Issues, 1999)

    Led by Richard Oakes, a Mohawk Native, and LaNada Means (now Dr. LaNada War Jack), natives from different tribes (collectively known as “Indians of All Tribes”) occupied the island in protest of the injustices they faced in the US. This resulted in a full-scale takeover of the island, lasting until June 1971. Several AIM leaders, such as Banks and Bellecourt, supported the occupation by providing resources and helping with organization and logistics. Alcatraz would serve as an inspiration and a blueprint for AIM’s activism. 


    Seizing the Mayflower, 1970

    AIM’s first national protest took place on Thanksgiving Day, 1970. To celebrate the 350th anniversary of the Pilgrims’ arrival to Plymouth Rock, Mayflower II was built (a replica of the original Mayflower ship that brought the English colonizers to Plymouth Bay, Massachusetts in 1620). Banks and Russell Means led a group from AIM, alongside local Wampanoag activists, to the site of this new monument:

    Soon, AIM had seized the Mayflower II, which tourists had been boarding for a fee. They also threw garbage at Plymouth Rock and refused orders from several police officers to desist. (Bruce E. Johansen, Encyclopedia of the American Indian Movement, 2013)

    Encyclopedia of the American Indian Movement book cover
    Encyclopedia of the American Indian Movement

    Bruce E. Johansen

    Soon, AIM had seized the Mayflower II, which tourists had been boarding for a fee. They also threw garbage at Plymouth Rock and refused orders from several police officers to desist. (Bruce E. Johansen, Encyclopedia of the American Indian Movement, 2013)

    Protestors declared that, rather than a celebration, the arrival of English colonists should be seen as a “day of mourning”. After protestors spoke about their struggle against the US government to preserve their land and culture, they left peacefully. However, the next day, protesters returned to cover Plymouth Rock red, attracting media attention. Since then, every year, on the fourth Thursday in November (Thanksgiving Day in the US), is “The National Day of Mourning.”  


    The Trail of Broken Treaties and The Twenty Points 

    AIM activists drew attention to the long history of broken promises and treaties between Native Americans and the US government. On October 6 1972, led by Dennis Banks, Russell Means, and members of the National Indian Youth Council, three caravans departed from Seattle, San Francisco, and LA, passing through Native American reservations, on the way to their final destination: Washington D.C. 

    At each reservation, activists would hold drum circles in protest of Indigenous treatment. As Johansen explains, 

    The Trail of Broken Treaties was designed to put pressure on President Richard M. Nixon during his campaign for a second term, to correct abuses of American Indian treaties, resulting in impoverishment of many people on reservations. In 1972, for example, per capita income on the Pine Ridge Reservation was about $1,200 a year (about 5,000 in 2012 dollars), and unemployment was the worst in the United States (sometimes 80 percent). An adult living there could expect to live an average of about 45 to 50 years. (2013)

    When the three caravans, containing around 600 people, converged in Minnesota, they halted to draw up a list of demands to the government over the next few days. Out of this came their twenty-point proposal “The Trail of Broken Treaties” (sometimes referred to as “The Twenty Points”) drafted by Hank Adams: 

    1. Restoration of constitutional treaty-making authority [repealing the provision in the 1871 Indian Appropriations Act which meant that Native American tribes and nations were not political entities and could not enter into formal treaties with the US]. 
    2. Establishment of a Treaty Commission to make new treaties
    3. An address to the American people and joint sessions of Congress
    4. Commission to review treaty commitments and violations 
    5. Resubmission of unratified treaties to the senate
    6. All Indians to be governed by treaty relations 
    7. Mandatory relief against treaty rights violations 
    8. Judicial recognition of Indian right to interpret treaties
    9. Creation of Congressional Joint Committee on Reconstruction of Indian Relations
    10. Land reform and restoration of a 110-million-acre Native land base 
    11. Revision of 25 U.S.C 163; Restoration of rights to Indians terminated by enrolment and revocation of prohibitions against “dual benefits” (revision of 25 U.S.C)
    12. Repeal of state laws enacted under Public Law 280 (1953)
    13. Resume federal protective jurisdiction for offences against Indians 
    14. Abolition of the Bureau of Indian Affairs by 1976
    15. Creation of an Office of Federal Indian Relations and Community Reconstruction
    16. Priorities and purpose of the new proposed office would be to [...] “remedy the break-down in constitutionally-prescribed relationships between the United States and the Indian Nations and people and to alleviate the destructive impact that distortion in those relationships has rendered upon the lives of Indian people.”
    17. Indian commerce and tax immunities [...] “trade, commerce, and transportation of Indians remain wholly outside the authority, control, and regulation of the several States.”
    18. Protection of Indians’ religious freedom and cultural integrity
    19. National referendums, local options, and forms of Indian organization
    20. Health, housing, employment, economic development, and education

    (For an expansion on each of these points, see “Trail of Broken Treaties, 20-Point Position Paper,” AIM).

    With clearly defined objectives, the caravan of cars, trucks, and buses traveled onwards to Washington D.C, arriving on the evening of November 2, with cars containing around 1,000 people stretching four miles. When they arrived, without lodging or supplies, activists spent the night in the basement of St. Stephen and the Incarnation Church. They soon discovered that the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) “had directed employees there not to recognize or extend aid to the caravan’s members” (Johansen, 2013). Indignant at this insult, AIM occupied the BIA building, referred to by Michael Leroy Oberg as the place “many native peoples most closely associated with their mistreatment and marginalization” (Native America, 2017):

    Four hundred Indians occupied the building, chaining the doors or barricading them with office furniture. The protestors stayed for a week. They stood on the steps of the building, wearing war paint and carrying weapons fashioned from whatever they could find inside. They readied Molotov cocktails, should police seek to remove them from the headquarters by force. They would die there, if necessary, the occupiers told reporters covering the occupation. And they ransacked the Bureau completely, carrying away tons of incriminating documents that highlighted the agency’s historical mismanagement of Indian affairs. 

    Native America book cover
    Native America

    Michael Leroy Oberg

    Four hundred Indians occupied the building, chaining the doors or barricading them with office furniture. The protestors stayed for a week. They stood on the steps of the building, wearing war paint and carrying weapons fashioned from whatever they could find inside. They readied Molotov cocktails, should police seek to remove them from the headquarters by force. They would die there, if necessary, the occupiers told reporters covering the occupation. And they ransacked the Bureau completely, carrying away tons of incriminating documents that highlighted the agency’s historical mismanagement of Indian affairs. 

    However, the protest failed to achieve its goals, with President Nixon dismissing their proposal as impractical. On November 8, AIM were offered immunity and the cost of their transportation home, which was accepted. However, this was not the last of AIM’s protests. 


    Wounded Knee occupation, 1973

    The occupation of the Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota, the site of the Wounded Knee massacre (1890), was one of the most significant events in AIM’s history. The occupation lasted for 71 days and resulted in the death of two activists: Frank Clearwater (Cherokee and Apache) and Lawrence "Buddy" Lamont (Oglala).

    The conflict arose as an attempt to oust the chairman of the Oglala Lakota Tribe, Richard Wilson: 

    Within a few months after taking office in early 1972, Wilson had been specifically accused of mismanagement of funds, fraud, and several other offenses ranging from refusing to publish the minutes of council meetings to denying certain Oglalas the rights of free assembly, due process, and protection from unreasonable searches and seizures. (Tom Holm, Strong Hearts, Wounded Souls, 2010)

    Strong Hearts, Wounded Souls book cover
    Strong Hearts, Wounded Souls

    Tom Holm

    Within a few months after taking office in early 1972, Wilson had been specifically accused of mismanagement of funds, fraud, and several other offenses ranging from refusing to publish the minutes of council meetings to denying certain Oglalas the rights of free assembly, due process, and protection from unreasonable searches and seizures. (Tom Holm, Strong Hearts, Wounded Souls, 2010)

    The Lakota elders had accused Wilson of being “a BIA puppet authority” (Holm, 2010). Wilson’s tribal police, known as “the Goon Squad” were tasked with keeping this opposition under control. The Squad “broke up traditional assemblies, harassed individuals, and illegally searched traditional homes and vehicles” (Holm, 2013). The Oglalas responded by forming the Oglala Sioux Civil Rights Organization with the aim of impeaching Wilson. When AIM was called to protect the Oglalas from the tribal police, Wilson and the tribal council banned members of AIM from using tribal property and portrayed them as a threat to Oglala tribal sovereignty. This resulted in around 200 people, made up of the Oglala and AIM activists, occupying Wounded Knee on February 27 and declaring their independence from the Oglala Constitution (1935): 

    During the ensuing three-month-long standoff, the occupiers held their ground in the face of overwhelming pressure—and firepower—from the Pine Ridge Reservation tribal police, South Dakota state troopers, the FBI, federal marshals, and the American military—the full force of the United States government. (György Ferenc Tóth, From Wounded Knee to Checkpoint Charlie, 2016)

    From Wounded Knee to Checkpoint Charlie book cover
    From Wounded Knee to Checkpoint Charlie

    György Ferenc Tóth

    During the ensuing three-month-long standoff, the occupiers held their ground in the face of overwhelming pressure—and firepower—from the Pine Ridge Reservation tribal police, South Dakota state troopers, the FBI, federal marshals, and the American military—the full force of the United States government. (György Ferenc Tóth, From Wounded Knee to Checkpoint Charlie, 2016)

    The activists demanded that an investigation be launched into Wilson’s corruption and hearings be held regarding broken treaties with the government and the Native American Nations. The government rejected these demands outright: 

    The FBI brought in rifles while, as a show of force, Army planes began circling the area and armored personnel carriers rumbled in as well. The discrepancy in available technology was highlighted when a lone defiant Indian started shooting his pistol at the fighter jet. (Martin Gitlin, Wounded Knee Massacre, 2010)

    Wounded Knee Massacre book cover
    Wounded Knee Massacre

    Martin Gitlin

    The FBI brought in rifles while, as a show of force, Army planes began circling the area and armored personnel carriers rumbled in as well. The discrepancy in available technology was highlighted when a lone defiant Indian started shooting his pistol at the fighter jet. (Martin Gitlin, Wounded Knee Massacre, 2010)

    The occupation became a huge media spectacle and was covered extensively on multiple television networks. As T. Adams Upchurch explains “It became the third most documented event of the decade, behind only the Vietnam War and the Watergate scandal” (Race Relations in the United States,·1960-1980, 2007). 

    On May 8, the protestors surrendered when the government promised to investigate their complaints. Means and Banks were arrested that following September, but the charges were dismissed. 

    One reason for the lack of convictions was due to the media attention and the changing sympathies of the US public. As Upchurch elaborates there was, 

    [...] growing sympathy for the Indians among the general public, which was largely generated by media portrayals of the red man as the helpless victim of white oppression and as underdogs in a fight they could not win. Russell Means later acknowledged the heavy media coverage of the occupation as the only reason the federal authorities did not perpetrate another massacre of his people at Wounded Knee as they had done in 1890—it would not have played well on television. (2007)

    Race Relations in the United States, 1960-1980 book cover
    Race Relations in the United States, 1960-1980

    T. Adams Upchurch

    [...] growing sympathy for the Indians among the general public, which was largely generated by media portrayals of the red man as the helpless victim of white oppression and as underdogs in a fight they could not win. Russell Means later acknowledged the heavy media coverage of the occupation as the only reason the federal authorities did not perpetrate another massacre of his people at Wounded Knee as they had done in 1890—it would not have played well on television. (2007)

    However, as Upchurch highlights, the occupation did not the end of the problems on Pine Ridge: 

    [...] some 60 Indians around the Pine Ridge reservation disappeared under mysterious circumstances between 1973 and 1976, allegedly at the hands of Wilson’s goons. Whether Wilson was responsible or not, residents voted him out of office in 1976, ending what AIM called his “reign of terror.”(2007)

    The Longest Walk (1978)

    On July 15 1978, a five-month march from San Francisco to Washington took place to raise awareness about Native American sovereignty, treaty rights, and social inequality in areas like housing and employment:

    The Longest Walk was intended to symbolize the forced removal of American Indians from their homelands and draw attention to the continuing problems of Indian people and their communities. The event was also intended to expose and challenge the backlash movement against Indian treaty rights that was gaining strength around the country and in Congress. […] Unlike many of the protest events of the mid-1970s, the Longest Walk was a peaceful event that included tribal spiritual leaders and elders among its participants. It ended without violence. (Troy R. Johnson, “Red Power Movement,” Encyclopedia of American Indian History: Volume 2, 2007)

    Encyclopedia of American Indian History: Volume 2 book cover
    Encyclopedia of American Indian History: Volume 2

    Edited by Bruce E. Johansen and Barry M. Pritzker

    The Longest Walk was intended to symbolize the forced removal of American Indians from their homelands and draw attention to the continuing problems of Indian people and their communities. The event was also intended to expose and challenge the backlash movement against Indian treaty rights that was gaining strength around the country and in Congress. […] Unlike many of the protest events of the mid-1970s, the Longest Walk was a peaceful event that included tribal spiritual leaders and elders among its participants. It ended without violence. (Troy R. Johnson, “Red Power Movement,” Encyclopedia of American Indian History: Volume 2, 2007)

    The Longest Walk, organized by Banks, intended to protest eleven pieces of legislation that were due to be passed that would terminate the relationship between Native Americans and the US government and revoke hunting and fishing rights. The march began at Alcatraz Island: 

    A couple thousand marchers left San Francisco on February 11, 1978. Not everyone had agreed to walk the entire distance to Washington; children, the elderly, and others drove cars and hopped on trains and buses to make the lengthy journey. But twenty-six protestors endured some rather harsh conditions, wintry and sultry days, to march the whole way to the nation’s capital. Whether traveling by foot or in vehicles, the marchers stopped in towns and villages and cities along the way, holding teach-ins to educate the public about Native American culture and government attempts to diminish or eliminate it. (Michael G. Long, “The Longest Walk,” We the Resistance, 2021)

    We the Resistance book cover
    We the Resistance

    Edited by Michael G. Long

    A couple thousand marchers left San Francisco on February 11, 1978. Not everyone had agreed to walk the entire distance to Washington; children, the elderly, and others drove cars and hopped on trains and buses to make the lengthy journey. But twenty-six protestors endured some rather harsh conditions, wintry and sultry days, to march the whole way to the nation’s capital. Whether traveling by foot or in vehicles, the marchers stopped in towns and villages and cities along the way, holding teach-ins to educate the public about Native American culture and government attempts to diminish or eliminate it. (Michael G. Long, “The Longest Walk,” We the Resistance, 2021)

    The march ended with a peaceful rally in Washington on July 25, with leaders issuing their demands in a manifesto entitled “Affirmation of Sovereignty of the Indigenous Peoples of the Western Hemisphere.” Some of their demands are detailed below: 

    We call upon all museums, collectors, and other hobbyists for the return of our sacred items, the remains of our people, and items of our material heritage for proper reinterment. We call for the return of those items not taken from the graves, but from our people, to be returned for their continued use in our ways of life. We call for the restoration of all lands illegally removed from our protection. We call for the payment of war reparations due to us, for the reconstruction of our nations.

    We call for an end to the confusing situation regarding state and federal jurisdiction, and direct America’s attention to our treaties and agreements which define the relationship of our countries.

    [...]

    We are here to make it clear to the American government and the people of the world that there is only one definition of who we are as a people. That definition arises from our religions, governments, and the ways of life that we follow. No one else on the Mother Earth has the right to attempt to define us or our existence.

    (Excerpted in We the Resistance, 2021)

    The eleven proposed bills did not pass into law, highlighting the significance of this march. Anne Keary explains that, 

    The Longest Walk, and the attention it drew to Indian issues, helped prevent passage of the legislation [...]. The movement also succeeded in raising the consciousness of Indian people and in winning public recognition of Indian peoples’ rights to self-determination. However, after the Walk the influence of AIM declines, as legal actions and FBI persecution drove many of the movement’s leaders into hiding (“Longest Walk, 1978,” Treaties with American Indians, 2007). 

    Treaties with American Indians book cover
    Treaties with American Indians

    Donald L. Fixico

    The Longest Walk, and the attention it drew to Indian issues, helped prevent passage of the legislation [...]. The movement also succeeded in raising the consciousness of Indian people and in winning public recognition of Indian peoples’ rights to self-determination. However, after the Walk the influence of AIM declines, as legal actions and FBI persecution drove many of the movement’s leaders into hiding (“Longest Walk, 1978,” Treaties with American Indians, 2007). 

    International recognition

    Though AIM began by focusing on urban areas in the US, it gradually expanded its scope: 

    In 1977, AIM broadened its outreach and, with its “international arm,” the International Indian Treaty Council (IITC), helped bring together representatives of ninety-eight indigenous nations from across the Americas for a hearing on the rights of American Indians held before the United Nations Commission on Human Rights in Geneva, Switzerland. This event galvanized Indian activists to take action when lawmakers in Congress moved to enact legislation that threatened Indian treaty rights. (Keary, 2007). 

    In that same year, the IITC became “the first Indigenous Peoples’ organization to be recognized as a non-governmental organization (NGO) with Consultative Status to the United Nations Economic and Social Council” (“About ITTC,” International Indian Treaty Council). Since then, the organization has garnered further international recognition and currently carries out training for Indigenous people and communities on human rights processes to enable them to defend their rights.  


    Legacy of the movement

    In the heyday of the movement from 1969 to 1975, AIM brought to light the many injustices Native Americans faced (and continue to face) in the United States, from police brutality and racial profiling to the removal of sovereign rights. AIM has gone on to inspire Native Americans to advocate for their rights; for example, in 2017, the Standing Rock Sioux tribe protested the construction of the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL) on the grounds that it threatened valuable cultural resources on the reservation and posed a serious risk to the survival of the tribe. (For more on current Native American environmental activism, within social, political, and economic contexts, see Jaskiran Dhillon’s Indigenous Resurgence,[2022]).

    AIM is still active today as a lobbyist group, though the movement’s influence has dwindled since the 1970s. However, as Gregory R. Campbell points out, 

    The legacy of AIM’s work has entered into the mainstream of Native North America. On February 27, 1998, the Twenty-fifth Anniversary of Wounded Knee, an Oglala Lakota Nation resolution established that day as a National Day of Liberation. From July 16–19, 1998, the– twenty-fifth Annual Lac Courte Oreilles Honor the Earth Homecoming Celebration to celebrate and honor the people of Lac Courte Oreilles and the American Indian Movement who participated in the July 31, 1971 takeover of the Winter Dam and the Birth of Honor the Earth took place. Several days later, at the Pipe Stone Quarries, Minnesota the American Indian Movement Grand Governing Council convened to commemorate AIM’s Thirtieth Anniversary and set the agenda for struggling for American Indian rights and sovereignty. As the American Indian Movement moves through the twenty-first century, it will continue to seek social justice for American Indians and other indigenous peoples. (“American Indian Movement,” Encyclopedia of the World's Minorities, 2013) 

    Encyclopedia of the World's Minorities book cover
    Encyclopedia of the World's Minorities

    Edited by Carl Skutsch

    The legacy of AIM’s work has entered into the mainstream of Native North America. On February 27, 1998, the Twenty-fifth Anniversary of Wounded Knee, an Oglala Lakota Nation resolution established that day as a National Day of Liberation. From July 16–19, 1998, the– twenty-fifth Annual Lac Courte Oreilles Honor the Earth Homecoming Celebration to celebrate and honor the people of Lac Courte Oreilles and the American Indian Movement who participated in the July 31, 1971 takeover of the Winter Dam and the Birth of Honor the Earth took place. Several days later, at the Pipe Stone Quarries, Minnesota the American Indian Movement Grand Governing Council convened to commemorate AIM’s Thirtieth Anniversary and set the agenda for struggling for American Indian rights and sovereignty. As the American Indian Movement moves through the twenty-first century, it will continue to seek social justice for American Indians and other indigenous peoples. (“American Indian Movement,” Encyclopedia of the World's Minorities, 2013) 

    Further reading 

    Art for an Undivided Earth: The American Indian Movement Generation (2017) by Jessica L. Horton

    The Death of Raymond Yellow Thunder: And Other True Stories from the Nebraska–Pine Ridge Border Towns (2020) by Stew Magnuson

    Native Activism in Cold War America: The Struggle for Sovereignty (2008) by Daniel M. Cobb

    Native American Issues: A Reference Handbook (2005) by William N. Thompson

    American Indian Movement FAQs

    Bibliography 

    Campbell, G. R. (2013) “American Indian Movement,” in Skutsch, C. (ed.) Encyclopedia of the World's Minorities. Routledge. Available at: 

    https://www.perlego.com/book/1680134/encyclopedia-of-the-worlds-minorities 

    Dhillon, J. (2022) Indigenous Resurgence: Decolonialization and Movements for Environmental Justice. Berghahn Books. Available at:

    https://www.perlego.com/book/3449497/indigenous-resurgence-decolonialization-and-movements-for-environmental-justice

    Gitlin, M. (2010) Wounded Knee Massacre. Greenwood. Available at: 

    https://www.perlego.com/book/4183909/wounded-knee-massacre 

    Hitchmough, S. and Mays, K. T. (2024) Rethinking the Red Power Movement. Routledge. Available at: 

    https://www.perlego.com/book/4412533/rethinking-the-red-power-movement 

    Holm, T. (2010) Strong Hearts, Wounded Souls: Native American Veterans of the Vietnam War. University of Texas Press. Available at: 

    https://www.perlego.com/book/3273917/strong-hearts-wounded-souls-native-american-veterans-of-the-vietnam-war 

    Johansen, B. E. (2013) Encyclopedia of the American Indian Movement. Greenwood. Available at: 

    https://www.perlego.com/book/4183554/encyclopedia-of-the-american-indian-movement 

    Johnson, T. (1999) Contemporary Native American Political Issues. AltaMira Press. 

    Johnson, T. R. (2007) “Red Power Movement,” in Johansen, B. E. and Pritzker, B. M. (eds.) American Indian History: Volume 2. ABC-CLIO. Available at: 

    https://www.perlego.com/book/4199388/encyclopedia-of-american-indian-history-4-volumes 

    Keary, A. (2007) “Longest Walk, 1978,” in Fixico, D. L. (ed.) Treaties with American Indians. ABC-CLIO. Available at: 

    https://www.perlego.com/book/4199343/treaties-with-american-indians-an-encyclopedia-of-rights-conflicts-and-sovereignty-3-volumes 

    Long, M. G. (2021) “The Longest Walk,” in Long, M. G. (ed.) We the Resistance: Documenting a History of Nonviolent Protest in the United States. City Lights Publishers. Available at: 

    https://www.perlego.com/book/3592764/we-the-resistance-documenting-a-history-of-nonviolent-protest-in-the-united-states 

    Oberg, M. L. (2017) Native America: A History. Wiley-Blackwell. Available at: 

    https://www.perlego.com/book/990844/native-america-a-history 

    Reilly, E. J. (2011) Legends of American Indian Resistance. Greenwood. Available at: 

    https://www.perlego.com/book/4168687/legends-of-american-indian-resistance 

    Smith, A. (2017) “American Indian Movement (AIM),” in Stooksbury, K. E., Scheb II, J. M., and Stephens Jr, O. H. (eds.) Encyclopedia of American Civil Rights and Liberties, vol 1. ABC-CLIO. Available at: 

    https://www.perlego.com/book/4203956/encyclopedia-of-american-civil-rights-and-liberties-revised-and-expanded-edition-4-volumes 

    Tóth, G. F. (2016) From Wounded Knee to Checkpoint Charlie: The Alliance for Sovereignty between American Indians and Central Europeans in the Late Cold War. SUNY Press. Available at: 

    https://www.perlego.com/book/2673611/from-wounded-knee-to-checkpoint-charlie-the-alliance-for-sovereignty-between-american-indians-and-central-europeans-in-the-late-cold-war 

    Upchurch, T. A. (2007) Race Relations in the United States,·1960-1980. Greenwood. Available at: 

    https://www.perlego.com/book/4168560/race-relations-in-the-united-states-19601980 

    Von Blum, P. (2016) Civil Rights for Beginners. For Beginners. Available at: 

    https://www.perlego.com/book/500935/civil-rights-for-beginners 

    Wilson, B. (2016) “AIM Patrol, Minneapolis,” MNopedia. Available at:

    https://www.mnopedia.org/group/aim-patrol-minneapolis 

    PhD, English Literature (Lancaster University)

    Sophie Raine has a PhD from Lancaster University. Her work focuses on penny dreadfuls and urban spaces. Her previous publications have been featured in VPFA (2019; 2022) and the Palgrave Handbook for Steam Age Gothic (2021) and her co-edited collection Penny Dreadfuls and the Gothic was released in 2023 with University of Wales Press.